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THE 



AGE OF ELIZABETH 



BY 



MANDELL CREIGHTON, M.A. 



LATE FELLOW AND TUTOR OF MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD 



WITH MAPS AND TABLES 



BOSTON 

ESTES AND LAURIAT 

CHICAGO 

JANSEN, McCLURG, & CO. 

SAN FRANCISCO 

PAYOT, UPHAM, & CO. 

1876 




London. Loiumans & 



T)p\"555 










PREFACE. 



•♦<>♦- 



My object in this little book has been to adhere as 
closely as possible to the intention of the series, and 
to embrace as much as I could of the contemporary 
history of Europe. For this purpose severe com- 
pression was required, and though I have endeavoured 
to preserve the perspective of events I cannot hope 
that I have always succeeded. 

I have grouped European history round the history 
of England, because I considered that in that way it 
would be made most interesting to the English reader. 
I have regarded the political history as of the chiefest 
importance, and only in the case of England have I 
found space for social or literary history. 

My guide throughout the whole of this period has 
been Ranke, who has made the history of the six- 
teenth and seventeenth centuries peculiarly his own. 
His 'Englische Geschichte' * contains a clear and 

1 Translated, Clarendon Press, 6 vols., 1875. 



vi Preface. 

vigorous sketch of the reign of Elizabeth in its 
connexion with external politics. His ' Deutsche Ge- 
schichte im Zeitalter der Reformation ' l is a masterly 
account of the Reformation in Germany and of its 
political effects upon that country. His c Romische 
Papste ' 2 contains an account of the influence of the 
Reformation movement on Catholicism, the progress 
of the Catholic Reformation and its reaction upon 
Protestantism. His ' Geschichte Frankreichs ' 3 
unfolds the influence of the Reformation on the 
fortunes of the French monarchy. Finally a little 
book, originally published as the first volume of a 
series of which the c Romische Papste ' formed the 
second part, under the name of ' Fiirsten und Volker 
der Slid-Europa ' 4 contains an admirable account of 
the formation of the Spanish monarchy under Charles 
V. and Philip II. 

These works of Ranke will remain as the chief 
sources of our knowledge of the history of these times. 
They are founded upon a careful study of contem- 
porary documents, especially upon the despatches of 
the Venetian ambassadors. There are no works of 

1 Partly translated by Mrs. Austin ; but the translation is 
now unfortunately out of print and can rarely be met with. 

2 Translated by Mrs. Austin. 3 vols. Fourth edition. 
Murray, 1866. 

3 A very small part of this has been translated by M. A. 
Garvey (Bentley, 1852); but this also is out of print and is only 
a fragment. 

4 Translated by Walter Kelly under the title ' The Ottoman 
and Spanish Empires' (Whittakers, 1843); also out of print. 



Preface. vii 

equal value to which the student of this period can 
be referred for knowledge of the history as a whole. 

For English affairs, Hayward's ' Life of Edward 
VI. , ' Goodwin's 'Life of Queen Mary/ and Camden's 
1 History of Elizabeth ' are standard authorities. Mr. 
Froude's ' History of England ' is admirable for 
the reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, and his re- 
searches have thrown much light upon the politics 
and character of Elizabeth. Mr. Motley's 'Rise of 
the Dutch Republic ' and ' History of the United 
Netherlands' give a detailed account of the revolt 
of the Netherlands, and bring to -notice many cha- 
racteristics of Elizabeth's government. 

For the internal history of England, Hallam's 
' Constitutional History ' is indispensable. For 
ecclesiastical history, Strype's ' Annals of the Refor- 
mation ' and ' Life of Parker ' are important. 

For the social history, Nichols's c Progresses of 
Elizabeth/ Stow's ' Survey of London/ and Harrison's 
4 Description of England ' at the beginning of Holins- 
hed's Chronicle are of the greatest importance. 
Nathan Drake's ' Shakespeare and his Times ' is a 
mine of interesting quotations from contemporary 
authors. Of Elizabeth's court life and personal 
character, Sir John Harrington's ' Nugae Antiquae ' and 
Naunton's 'Fragmenta Regalia' give interesting ac- 
counts : Miss Aikin's ' Memoirs of the Court of 
Queen Elizabeth ' collects a great deal of characteristic 
gossip. 

For the history of trade, Macpherson's 'Annals of 



viii Preface. 

Commerce' can be referred to. Mr. Fox Bourne's 
' English Seamen under the Tudors' gives a clear 
account of English discoveries during this period. 

In literary history I have not aimed at doing more 
than connecting the literary development of England 
with the great stimulus to national activity which the 
events of Elizabeth's reign supplied. The young 
student would gain more by reading one or two of the 
works referred to than by reading literary histories or 
criticisms on books which he has not read. 

The ground which I have traversed in the social 
history of this period has been covered since I began 
to write by Mr. Green's ' History of the English 
People/ which has devoted considerable space to the 
social and literary history of Elizabeth's reign. To 
that work, in the first instance, I refer all who need 
more detailed information on these points. 






CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTION. 

PAGE: 

The Reformation, its causes and meaning . . i 

Questions raised by it . . . . 3 

Mixture of politics and religion .... 4 

Important points in the history of the sixteenth century . 4 
Religious condition of Europe in the middle of the sixteenth 

century ....... 5; 



BOOK I. 

RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN GERMANY 
AND ENGLAND. 

CHAPTER I. 

RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN GERMANY. 

Germany and the Reformation . . 7 

1519-1544. Projects of Charles V. . . . .8 

1544. Charles V. attacks the Protestants . , 9 

His difficulties . . . . 9 

1552. Reaction against Charles V. . . 10- 



x Contents. 

PAGE 

1555. Diet of Augsburg aims at arranging religious 

difficulties . . . . .12 

Weaknesses of its arrangement ... 13 

Hopes of Charles V. . . * .14 

CHAPTER II. 

REFORMATION IN ENGLAND UNDER EDWARD VI. — 1547-53- 

Position of Charles V. towards England . 14 

1531-1547. Reformation under Henry VIII. . , .15 

State of parties in England . . . 15 

Jan. 1547. Accession of Edward VI. . . . .16 

1547-49. The Reformation under the Protector Somerset 17 

1547. England and Scotland . . . .18 

1548-9. Troubles in England . . . . 19 

1549. England and France . . . .21 
Fall of Somerset .... 22 

1550. Warwick and the Reformation . . 23 
Northumberland's plans ... 26 

1553. Death of Edward VI. . . . .27 

Failure of Northumberland ... 28 

CHAPTER III. 

CATHOLIC REACTION IN ENGLAND. — 1553~55. 

Queen Mary and Charles V. . .29 

1553. Mary's religious changes ... 30 
Mary's marriage schemes . . 31 

1554. Wyatt's Rebellion .... 32 
Mary marries Philip . . . • 35 
Re-establishment of papal supremacy . 36 
Return of Cardinal Pole and persecution . 37 
Mary's home government 39 

CHAPTER IV. 

FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND, AND THE PAPACY.— 1555-58. 

T556. Abdication of Charles V. . . . .40 

1557. Successes of Philip II. . . . 41 

Pope Paul IV. and England . . .41 



4 



Contents. xi 

PAliE 

1557-8. Loss of Calais .... 42 

1558. Mary's failure and death . . . .42 

Accession of Elizabeth . . . 43 

Her political difficulties . . .44 



CHAPTER V. 

RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN ENGLAND. 

Elizabeth's religious views ... 46 

1559. Re-establishment of Protestantism . . 47 

Opposition of the bishops ... 47 

Elizabeth's ecclesiastical system . . .48 



BOOK II. 

FRANCE AND SCOTLAND.— 1 520-67. 

CHAPTER I. 

THE REFORMATION MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND SCOTLAND. 

1515-47. Reformation in France under Francis I. . 51 

1536-58. Reformation in Geneva and France . . 52 

1559. Death of Henry II. and power of the Guises . 54 
State of Scotland and its relations with France . 55 
John Knox and the Reformation . . 57 
Rising against the Regent . . .58 

1560. Treaty of Berwick between Elizabeth and the 

Scots ..... 59 

Conspiracy of Amboise and recall of the French 

from Scotland . . . . .60 

Reformation carried through in Scotland . 61 

Troubles in France . . . .61 



Xll 



Contents. 





CHAPTER II. 




• 


MARY QUEEN. OF SCOTS* 


PAGE 




Mary in France . 


62 


1561. 


Her return to Scotland 


. 63 




Elizabeth's relations towards Mary- 


64 




Mary's policy 


. 66 


1562-3. 


Beginning of the religious wars in France 


67 




Elizabeth helps the Huguenots 


. 68 


1565. 


Mary's marriage with Darnley 


70 




Catholic plans in Scotland 


. 72 


1566. 


Darnley's quarrel with Mary . 


73 


1567- 


Murder of Darnley 


. 75 




Mary's marriage with Bothwell 


76 




Mary's enforced abdication 


. 7$ 



BOOK III. 

SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE SPANISH MONARCHY. 

Power of Charles V. . 
His government of his dominions 
Changes made by Philip II. 
Character and policy of Philip II. 



80. 
81 
84 
85 



CHAPTER II. 

THE REVOLT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 

The Netherlands and their government 
Their prosperity . 
1558-66. Opposition to Philip II. 



87 
88 
89. 



Contents. xiii 

PAGE 

Philip's ecclesiastical measures • . .90 

Growing discontent in the Netherlands , 91 

Commercial effects on England . . .92 

1566. Image-breaking in Antwerp 93 

1567. - Alva sent to the Netherlands . . ,96 

1568. Resistance of the Prince of Orange . . 96 

CHAPTER III. 

RESULTS OF ALVA'S MEASURES ON FRANCE, ENGLAND, 
AND SCOTLAND. — 1567-70. 

1567. Rising of the Huguenots . . . .98 

1569. Second religious war in France . . 99 

1570. Peace of St. Germain . . . 99 

1568. Mary of Scotland escapes from prison and 

takes refuge in England . . . ior 

Conduct of Elizabeth .... 102 

1569. Rebellion of the Northern Earls . • 103 
Cruelty in its suppression . . • 104 

CHAPTER IV. 

STRUGGLE OF CATHOLICISM AND PROTESTANTISM. — 
1570-72. 

1570. Excommunication of Elizabeth . . 105 
Murder of the Regent Murray in Scotland . 106 

. England's answer to the Pope . . 106 

1571. Ridolfi's plot ..... 106 
Catholic plans in France . . . 108 
Charles IX. and Coligny .... 109 
Alva's cruelty in the Netherlands . . 11 1 

1572. Foundation of the United Netherlands . .112 
French help to the Netherlands . . 113 



CHAPTER V. 

ST. BARTHOLOMEW'S DAY, 1572. 

Plot against Coligny . . . .114 

Paris and the Huguenots • • • i*5 



xiv Contents. 

PAGE 

Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day . . 116 
Effect of the massacre in France and the 

Netherlands . . .> . 117 

1572-3. Siege of Goes and Haarlem . . .118 

1573. Alva leaves the Netherlands . . . 120 
General result of the massacre . . . 120 

1574. Death of Charles IX. . . . 121 
Summary . . . . . .122 



BOOK IV. 

HOME GOVERNMENT OF ELIZABETH. 

CHAPTER I. 

ELIZABETH AND HOME AFFAIRS. 

Elizabeth as a politician . . . 123 

Her economy and deceit . . . 124 

Her love of peace .... 125 

Her religious views . 125 

Condition of ecclesiastical affairs . . 126 

English commerce . . . .130 

CHAPTER II. 

ELIZABETH'S COURT AND MINISTERS. 

Lord Burleigh ..... 132 

Sir Nicolas Bacon . . . . . 134 

Elizabeth's favourites .... 134 

Earl of Leicester . . . . .136 

Elizabeth's court and magnificence . . 137 
Royal progresses ..... 139 



Contents, xv 



BOOK V. 

CONFLICT OF CATHOLICISM AND PRO- 
TESTANTISM.— 1$ 76-86. 

CHAPTER I. 

THE STRUGGLE IN THE NETHERLANDS.— 1576-83. 

PAGE 

1576. The Spanish Fury .... 143 

Coming of Don John of Austria * . . 144 

I 577- Failure of his schemes . . . 145 

1578. Coming of the Prince of Parma . . . 147 

1580. Philip's conquest of Portugal . . . 148 
Ban against the Prince of Orange . . 148 

1581. Duke of Anjou woos Elizabeth . . 150 

1582. Anjou made sovereign of the Netherlands. . 151 

1583. Anjou's treachery .... 152 



CHAPTER II. 

THE JESUITS AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION. 

Rise and objects of the Jesuits . . . 153 

1576-9. England and the Papacy . . . 155 

1582. Catholic attempt in Scotland . . . 156 

1579-84. Seminary priests and Jesuits in England . 157 

1584. Assassination of the Prince of Orange . .158 

Throgmorton's conspiracy in England . 159 

Association to protect Elizabeth . . .160 



xvi Contents. 

BOOK VI. 

THE LEAGUE AND THE ARMADA. 

CHAPTER I. 

SPAIN AND THE LEAGUE. 

PAGE 

1585. Philip II. and France . . . 161 
Formation of the League . . . .162 
Henry III. and the League . . . 164 
Siege of Antwerp . , . . .164 

1585-6. Leicester in the Netherlands , . . 166 

Drake in the Spanish Main . . . 167 

1586. Death of Sir Philip Sidney . , .168 

CHAPTER II. 

THE SPANISH ARMADA. 





Babington's conspiracy 


. 


. 169 


^7- 


Mary implicated, condemned, 


and executed 


170 




Results of Mary's death . 


. 


. 171 




Progress of the League 


. 


172 


1587- 


War of the three Henrys . 


• 


. 172 


J588. 


Triumph of Guise in Paris 


. 


174 




Exploits of Drake . 


. 


. 174 




The Invincible Armada 


. 


175 




Cause of its failure 


. . 


. 178 




Importance of the crisis 


. 


179 



CHAPTER III. 

REACTION AGAINST SPAIN. 



1588. Assassination of Guise . . . . 180 

1589. Assassination of Henry III. . . . 181 
1589-92. England's naval war against Spain . . 182 

Colonising expeditions . . . 185 



Contents. 



1590. Success of Henry IV. in France 
1591-2. Reaction in favour of Henry IV. 
1593. Conversion of Henry IV. . 



XV11 

PAGE 

IS/ 
I89 
I9O 



BOOK VII. 

ENGLAND AFTER THE ARMADA. 



M.H. 



CHAPTER I. 




ENGLISH LIFE IN ELIZABETH'S REIGN. 




Growth of national character 


192 


Results of increased prosperity 


• 193 


Architecture .... 


193 


Furniture . ... 


• i95 


Dress 


197 


Amusements .... 


. 197 


The theatre .... 


199 


The poor-laws .... 


• 199 


Occupations .... 


200 


CHAPTER II. 




ELIZABETHAN LITERATURE. 




Causes of literary activity 


. 201 


Increase of learning 


202 


Historical enquiry 


. 203 


Prose writers .... 


204 


Euphuism ..... 


. 205 


Sir Philip Sidney 


205 


Puttenham and Bacon 


. 206 


Love-poetry .... 


207 


Spenser ..... 


. 209 


The Drama .... 


211 


Greene ..... 


. 211 


a 





XV111 



Contents. 



Marlowe 
Shakespeare 
Later Dramatists 



PAGE 
212 
214 
218 



CHAPTER III. 



LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 



1595. 


Religious settlement in France 


. 219 


1596. 


Expedition against Cadiz 


220 




Parties at Elizabeth's court 


221 




Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex 


221 


1597. 


The Island Voyage 


» 222 


1598. 


Death of Philip II. 


223 


1599. 


Essex in Ireland 


. 225 


1 601. 


Rising of Essex 


226 




Elizabeth and Parliament . 


227 


1603. 


Death of Elizabeth . 


228 



GENEALOGICAL TABLES. 

PAGE 

i. Illustrating Mary's Reign . . . -33 

2. ,, Mary of Scotland's Claim to the 

English Throne . . 71 

.3. Showing Parentage of Charles V. 4 82 

4. ,, Succession to the Throne of France . 163 

MAPS. 

f 

t. Europe in the Age of Elizabeth . . to face title 

2. Dominions of Philip II. . » . .83 

3. The Netherlands ..... 113 

4. English and Spanish Discoveries in the New- 

World . . » . . . .161 

5. The Mouth of the Tagus .... 183 





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THE 



AGE OF ELIZABETH. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The period of the Reformation marks a great change in 
the general condition of Europe. It was a change which 
had been slowly coming, but which then first The Re- 
made itself decidedly and clearly known. New formatlon - 
knowledge had arisen amongst the peoples of Europe, and 
new ideas had come from different sides. The old*Latin 
writers were discovered, and read with eagerness ; the 
fall of Constantinople sent many Greeks and much of 
the old Greek literature into Europe. The discovery of 
the New World extended men's ideas of their surround- 
ings, and opened up a wide field for their speculations. 
National feeling had grown stronger throughout Europe, 
as the nations had become united under strong rulers. 

The result of all this was that men's interests became 
more secular, that the old ecclesiastical system did not so 
entirely cover men's lives as it had done in the i t3 
Middle Ages. The change may be seen by causes - 
noticing how gradually the Crusading spirit passed into the 
spirit of colonisation. Both were founded on the love of 
adventure ; but this when guided by ecclesiastical feeling 
led to the Crusades, when guided by national feeling led 
to colonisation. As men found that they had more interests 
outside the ecclesiastical system, they began more to 

M. H. B 



2 Introduction. 

criticise its organisation and working. They felt that 
man was not made for Church system, but Church system 
for man. There were demands on all sides for a re- 
formation of the existing state of things. 

It was impossible to advance in other matters until 
religion had first been dealt with. Everyone who wanted 
to make any improvement found that he must begin from 
religion in some shape or another. If he were a scholar, 
like Erasmus, who wanted to make men wiser, he soon 
found that the existing condition of religion stood in his 
way. If he were a politician, like Charles V., he soon 
found that religious questions were the chief ones which 
he had to consider in conducting affairs. 

Some men were content with the old state of things, 
either from interested motives, or from real love for that 
Its form of worship in which they had been born 

meaning. an( j. bred. Others wished to keep the old 
system but make a few alterations in it : they believed 
the government of the Church to be the right one, and to 
be, moreover, quite necessary, though they thought that it 
had been carelessly carried on, and needed improvement. 
Others declared that they could find no authority in 
Scripture for the existing system of the Church, and 
wished to change it altogether. Gradually men had to 
range themselves on one side or the other. Either they 
thought that in and through the Church only did man 
have communion with God ; or they thought that God 
would receive any man who faithfully turned to Him. This 
was the broad distinction between the two parties we 
shall call Catholics and Protestants. 

Hence it was that religion naturally became the battle- 
field of the old and new state of things. A religious 
change was, moreover, most deep-reaching in its con- 
sequences. It could not be made without leading to 
changes in politics and society also. For a change in 



Introduction. 3 

belief meant a schism from the existing Christian com- 
munity. This community was ruled over by the Pope, 
who kept together the different local authorities, and 
secured the unity of Western Christendom in ecclesiasti- 
cal matters. A change of belief meant a revolt from his 
authority. 

This was very difficult to carry out in any case. For 
the people who lived under one civil government were 
not likely all at the same time to agree to Questions 
make this change. They differed in conse- raised t>yit. 
quence about almost every point : for the old ecclesiasti- 
cal system went down to the very foundation of daily life 
and affected almost everything that men did. In every 
State, therefore, there were divisions, and that too about 
serious matters. It was not merely a question of religious 
beliefs or forms of worship. The Church had large lands, 
— were these to go to the old religion or to the new re- 
ligion, or were they to be taken for secular purposes? 
Were priests to be looked upon as ordinary men, or were 
they the sole channels through whom men could obtain 
salvation ? Were they to marry, or were they not ? 
These were questions that had to be settled in some way 
or another. Those who held to the old beliefs could not 
endure, without a struggle, to see all that they reverenced 
set aside. Not only must they keep to the old beliefs 
themselves, they must see also that the old system was 
handed down to those that came after them ; they must 
see that it was not destroyed. So, too, those who had 
accepted the new beliefs felt that they must try to spread 
their own convictions, and must try to root out super- 
stition. Nothing but discord could be the result of these 
opposite convictions. 

The Reformation, then, introduced division into every 
State, division which was more or less bitter according 
as the two parties were more or less equally balanced. 

B 2 



4 Introduction. 

But this was not all. Besides affecting the internal 
condition of States, the Reformation greatly affected 
their relations towards one another. According to the 
old state of things Christendom was one ; but now it had 
ceased to be so. According to the old ideas, the Ernpe-^ 
ror was the temporal Head of Christendom, and now it 
was to be expected that he would try and bring back 
unity, if it were at all possible. Besides all the other 
causes for quarrelling which existed in Europe between 
different States, difference of religion was now added. 

The consequence of this was that politics and religion 
became most strangely mixed together. Not only were 
Mixture' there two parties in each State in open or 
o^ politics concealed warfare with one another, but also 
religion. a rj th e relations between States were regula- 

ted very greatly by religious considerations. Protestant- 
ism began simply enough in an attempt to worship God 
more in accordance with the dictates of reason and con- 
science. This attempt, however harmless it might seem, 
really meant a great change in the government of the 
State which allowed it to be made. It meant also a great 
change in all the political relations of Europe. 

It was hardly likely that these changes could be made 
peaceably ; the interests involved were too great. Only 
after a period of internal struggle did each nation decide 
which side it was going to take. Only after a period 
of great conflict did Europe form itself into a new political 
system. 

The interest of the first half of the sixteenth century 

lies in tracing the causes that brought about the religious 

movement, and in seeing how the new princi- 

pointsin pies were at first worked out. The interest of 

the^ history the last half of tlie sixteenth cen tury lies in 

sixteenth seeing the political effects which were pro- 
century. .»•,,.. i . % i 
duced by the religious movement, when it had 



Introdtiction. £ 

once taken root. These political results, as we have seen, 
were of two kinds — they affected the nations separately, 
and they affected Europe as a whole. We have, then, to 
keep before us these two main points : — 

i. The internal conflicts of the nations of Europe 
before each decided which side in religion it should 
take as a nation. 

2. The changes in the political relations of Europe 
generally which the Reformation brought about. 

It is, of course, impossible to keep these two points 
separate from one another; but it will be easier to under- 
stand what was going on, and to see the reasons for the 
relative importance of events, if these two main points 
be kept in view. 

In the middle of the sixteenth century the revolt 
against the authority of the Pope had spread over the 
greater part of northern Europe. Norway, Swe- Religious 
den, and Denmark had accepted the Protestant condition of 

7 Jfciurope in 

teaching. England had thrown off obedience the middle 
to the Pope, though Henry VIII. was not in °fxteenth 
favour of any great change in doctrine. Ger- century, 
many was divided into Protestant and Catholic States, 
the Protestants prevailing in the north, and the Catholics 
in the south. The Swiss Cantons were divided into 
Catholic and Protestant, but the Swiss Protestants were 
not agreed with the Protestants of Germany. There were 
also Protestants in France, Scotland, and the Netherlands, 
though, as yet, they had not made any very important 
advance. 

We shall have to trace the fortunes of the Reforma- 
tion in the following countries : 

(i.) In Germany, where a temporary toleration was 
•devised. 

(2.) In England, where the revolt from Rome was 



6 Introduction. 

confirmed, and Protestant opinions were seen to be 
necessary to the political liberty of the country. 

- (3.) In Scotland, where the people shook off Catholi- 
cism almost at once, and changed their old political atti- 
tude to agree with their new religious condition. 

(4.) In the Netherlands, where Protestantism fostered 
a desire for freedom, and supported the people in a long 
war against Spain. 

(5.) In France, where a long period of civil war was 
caused by religious differences, but, in the end," Catholi- 
cism proved itself to be more deeply rooted than Protes- 
tantism. 

Besides these occurrences in the separate countries 
we have to see how the struggle between Protestantism 
and Catholicism in Europe generally tended to centre 
round the two powers of England and Spain. The result 
of this struggle was that England began to take the fore- 
most position in Europe, while Spain, though still wear- 
ing the appearance of outward strength, grew internally 
weaker and weaker. 



BOOK I. 

RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN GERMANY 
AND ENGLAND. 



CHAPTER I. 

RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN GERMANY. 

Germany consisted of a number of small States, each 
under the rule of their hereditary Prince, and of a num- 
ber of Free Cities, who were under no control 
except that of the Emperor, which was very and the 
slight. The German king, when he received Reformation 
coronation from the Pope, became Emperor, and was 
looked upon as the head of Christendom. Under his 
presidency the Princes of the Empire and Representatives 
of the Cities met together at a Diet to settle matters of 
common interest for Germany. 

When many of the States and Cities of Germany fol- 
lowed Luther's^teaching, and shook off the old ecclesiasti- 
cal system, they were of course opposed by those that 
remained Catholic. To protect themselves they formed, 
in 1529, a league known as the League of Smalkald, 
from the place where it was concluded. The Catholics 
formed a league against them, and so Germany was divi- 
ded into two opposite camps. 



8 Religions Settlement in Germany, a.d. 1544 

Charles V. had been Emperor since 15 19, and he 
would have interfered to put down Protestantism in Ger- 
many at its first growth, if he had been able, 
of He was, however, ruler of so many other 

Charles v. countries besides Germany, that he could not 
attend to Germany alone. As King of Spain he had to 
war against the Moorish corsairs, who injured the Spanish 
trade. As the inheritor of the possessions of the Dukes 
of Burgundy he had to war with the King of France. 
As Emperor he had to make good his position in Italy. 
As head of the house of Austria, as well as head of 
Christendom, he had to drive out the Ottoman Turks, 
who pressed up the Danube valley, and threatened to ex- 
tend their conquests over Europe. 

All these things employed Charles V., and he needed 
all the help that he could get from Germany to enable 
him to carry out these great undertakings. In Germany 
he was king; but he was checked by the independent power 
of the Princes and the Free Cities, and could raise money 
and troops only for such purposes as they approved of. 
Many of them were in favour of the Reformation, and 
would not help him in any undertaking directed against 
Protestantism. He thought it wise, therefore, to leave 
Protestantism alone at first, and to draw from the grati- 
tude of the Protestant Princes the help that he needed 
for his other political designs. He opposed Protestantism, 
for he was Emperor and head of the Catholic world. 
But 1 he was not, therefore, a devoted adherent of the 
Papacy, and was convinced that some religious changes 
were necessary. These changes he hoped to be able to 
introduce when he had leisure ; meanwhile he let matters 
take their course in Germany, so far as not to interfere 
forcibly. 

At last, in 1544, Charles V. had put down the pirates, 
had succeeded in making himself master of the greater 



r- 1 548. Charles V. and Protestantism. 9 

part of Italy, had seen the Ottomans fall back from their 
most threatening position,and had made peace with France. 
Now he could turn his attention to Germany. 

Charles V 

His plan was to compel the Pope to summon attacks the 
a General Council, at which the points in dis- Protestants - 
pute between Catholics and Protestants should be settled. 
But the Protestants refused to acknowledge such a 
council, and Charles, with the help of the Pope, declared 
war against the Smalkaldic League in 1546. 

Many Protestants helped him ; for not all of them be- 
longed to the league, and some hoped to get toleration with- 
out resistance to the authority of the State. The chief leaders 
of the Smalkaldic army were John Frederic, Elector of 
Saxony, and Philip, Landgrave of Hesse. Their army 
was stronger than the Emperor's, but was broken up by 
the retreat of the Elector. His Electorate had been at- 
tacked in his absence by his nephew Maurice, who though 
a Protestant was fighting on the Emperor's side. When 
once the Smalkaldic forces were broken, the Emperor re- 
duced the Protestant cities one by one. Next year he 
defeated the Elector, and took him prisoner; the Land- 
grave of Hesse submitted to him, and was also kept in 
prison. It seemed as though Protestantism were entirely 
ruined. 

But, meanwhile, the Pope had become alarmed at this 
success : he had also quarrelled with the Emperor about 
the possession of some towns in Italy. He ^. rr , . 

r . -. _ _ _ t , Tr . , \ Difficulties 

was afraid that Charles V. might settle re- of 
ligious matters in a way unfavourable to charles v - 
the Papacy. So he broke up the Council, which had 
begun to sit at Trent, as he thought that place was too 
much under the Emperor's power. 

Thus Charles V. had compelled the Protestants to 
obey the Council, but there was no Council to obey. Here- 
upon he took a step like Henry VI 1 1., and published a 
decree called the ' Interim' (1548), which enacted the old 



10 Religiotts Settlement in Germany, a.d. 1552. 

ecclesiastical system with a few changes, and toleration 
on a few points. This was to be the religion of Germany 
till the Council could go on. 

The ' Interim/ however, was liked by neither party. 

To the Protestants it was as bad as Romanism ; to the 

- . . Catholics it seemed to be an arbitrary in- 

Opposition _ . ... T»/r 

to terference in religious matters. Moreover, 

Charles v. ^q national feeling of the Germans was hurt 
by the way in which the Emperor enforced obedience to 
it and kept a foreign army in Germany. The German 
princes also were aggrieved by the imprisonment of the 
Elector and the Landgrave — it was an infringement of 
the rights of the princes as a class, which no prince 
could see with satisfaction. 

Maurice had been made Elector of Saxony by the 
Emperor for his services. He was a Protestant ; but the 
Maurice of Emperor wished to show that he punished, not 
Saxony. opinions, but disobedience. Perhaps Maurice 

had hoped for greater toleration for Protestantism, and 
was now disappointed. Perhaps his policy was entirely 
selfish, and he had only helped the Emperor that he might 
get the Electorate of Saxony for himself ; now that he had 
got it he saw he could only keep it by helping Protestantism 
against the Emperor. It is hard to say which of these views, 
is true. Maurice is one of the most puzzling characters in 
history ; he was a master of deceit, and he died (1553) 
before he had time to go far enough with his plans to 
enable us to judge what he really meant. 

At all events Maurice of Saxony laid a deep plan 
against the Emperor. Seeing that the German Protestants 
were not strong enough to fight by themselves,, 
against he entered into an alliance with Henry IL 

Charles V. Q f ;p rance# Henry II. had only lately come 
to the throne, and was willing enough to signalise his 
reign by striking a blow at the great enemy of France. 



A. d. 1552. Maurice of Saxony. ir 

Maurice, laying his plans with deep secrecy, managed to. 
keep together the army with which he had been besieging 
the Protestant town of Magdeburg in the Emperor's name. 
As he found that two of his secretaries were spies of 
the Emperor's, he kept them in his service, and wrote false 
letters, whose contents were meant to deceive the Empe- 
ror. Then, when all was ready, and the Emperor, en- 
tirely unprepared, was at Innsbruck, where he had gone 
to look after the reassembling of the Council of Trent,, 
Maurice took the field against him. Charles V. had to* 
flee from Innsbruck in the middle of the night, and only 
left it two hours before Maurice entered. The French,, 
meanwhile, had entered Lorraine, and taken Metz, Toul,, 
and Verdun. Charles V.'s prestige was broken ; he had 
no money and no troops ; he must make peace in Ger- 
many, unless he was prepared to see Germany perma- 
nently divided. If he hesitated, the result would be that 
the Catholic States would go with Austria, and the Protes- 
tant States would form a new power, under the protection, 
of France. 

So, sorely against his will, Charles V. had to agree to. 
a peace. At a meeting at Passau, in 1552, Maurice de- 
manded toleration for the Protestants — tole- Convention 
ration granted to them for themselves, with- of Passau. 
out any condition of a future Council, or any mention of 
Papal permission. The Emperor could not be prevailed 
upon to grant this ; it seemed to him to be a neglect of 
his duty as head of Christendom. He would only grant 
toleration until a Diet had been held to settle uniformity.. 

Really, Charles V.'s plans had failed. He was a firm 
believer in the old political system which depended on 
outward unity. He had hoped to unite his 

j . . . -,-, Failure of 

vast dominions into one great power. For Charles v. 's. 
this purpose he was prepared to make a few k lans * 
changes in the old political and ecclesiastical system,, 



12 Religions Settlement in Germany, a.d. 1555. 

though he was not prepared to move from the main ideas 
on which they were founded. Spain, Italy, Sicily, and 
the Netherlands he knew how to manage. He won over, 
says a Venetian ambassador, the Spaniards by his gravity 
and wisdom, the Italians by his success, the Flemings by 
liis geniality and kindliness ; but the Germans, in spite of 
Tiis efforts, he never understood. So, when he had suc- 
ceeded everywhere else, he failed in Germany. The 
German princes, Protestant and Catholic alike, looked 
with entire disfavour on his attempt to make a strong 
central power in Germany. The German people, Pro- 
testant and Catholic alike, failed to understand his 
moderate position in ecclesiastical matters ; they wanted 
cither no change at all, or much more sweeping changes 
than he was prepared for. So the opposition to him had 
grown strong just as his plans had seemed on the point 
of success. When that opposition had openly declared 
itself, he had to choose between the surrender of his 
plans and a new hazardous war, by which he would run 
great risk of losing the Netherlands and Protestant- 
Germany together. 

Charles V. gave way for the present ; the future still 
■depended on his success against France. He laid siege 
to Metz with a large army ; but it was to no purpose. His 
troops began to die as winter came on, and Charles was 
obliged to raise the siege, saying, with a sigh, that ' For- 
tune was a woman, and did not favour the old/ 

After this failure, there was no course left but con- 
cession. The Diet of Augsburg in 1555 confirmed the 
, . • peace agreed to at Passau. The Protes- 

•D iet of x ° ... ... 

Augsburg, tants were to practise their own religion, 
1555- wherever it had been at that time established. 

Henceforth, all Princes and Cities might tolerate or pro- 
hibit either religion within their territories. The maxim, 
x cujus regio ejus religio ' (he who rules the country may 
settle its religion) was now distinctly accepted. 



a.d. 1555. Ecclesiastical Reservation, 13 

By this decree of the Diet of Augsburg the Protes- 
tants obtained for the first time a legal position within 
the Empire. Their right to maintain their Religious 
religion was unconditionally recognised, f^ 01111165 
Henceforth Catholicism could not claim to be unsettled, 
the established religion of Germany. No Emperor 
could lawfully attack Protestant princes on the ground of 
their Protestantism only. The new religion had obtained 
legal recognition. But still there were many points left 
unsettled, and there were many points which were not 
likely to be settled peaceably at once. One question, 
especially, about which there was no agreement, was of 
pressing importance. What was to become of the eccle- 
siastical property of bishops, or other ecclesiastics, who 
joined the Reformed communion ? Was Church land to 
become secularised when its ecclesiastical holder became 
a Protestant, married and had children ? Were the lands 
given in past time to the old Church, to pass over to this 
new sect ? On the other hand, was it fair to the Protes- 
tants that all the vast districts at present under the rule 
of ecclesiastics should always belong to the Catholic 
powers, and always be exempt from Protestant influence ? 
No agreement could be come to on this point by the 
Diet ; but it was settled by a decree of the Emperor, that 
any prelate who joined the Reformed body, should forth- 
with vacate his ecclesiastical office, with all its possessions, 
and a new election should at once be made to his office. 
This, which was calledthe Ecclesiastical Reservation, was 
merely a decree of the Emperor, and was not accepted by 
the Protestants as a definite law. For the present, both 
parties were content to let matters rest. Peace had 
been patched up for a time, but no one expected it to last. 
The Reformation struggle paused in Germany for the rest 
of the century, only to break out with greater violence in 
the terrible Thirty Years War. 



14 Progress of the Reformation. a.d. 1531 

Meanwhile, however, it remained to be seen if Charles 
V. would agree to this new state of things. It was en- 
Hopes of tirely opposed to his views of the unity of his 
Charles V- dominions, and he would not have accepted 
it if it had been possible for him to stand out against it. 
But he saw that the Protestants in Germany, aided by 
France, were too strong for him, unless he could get a 
powerful ally. He turned his attention, for this end, to 
England. The future depended on the success of the 
connexion now established between England and the 
Austro-Spanish power. 



CHAPTER II. 



PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND UNDER 
EDWARD VI. — 1547— 1553. 

f The Emperor is aiming at the sovereignty of Europe, 
which he cannot obtain without the suppression of the 
Position of Reformed religion ; and unless he crushes the 
towards V * English nation, he cannot crush the Reforma- 
Engiand. tion.' This remark of Sir William Cecil may 
serve to explain the position in which first the Emperor, 
Charles V., and afterwards his son, Philip II., King of 
Spain, stood towards England. Their schemes for poli- 
tical supremacy were founded upon the old idea of 
European politics, which regarded Europe as a confede- 
racy of nations under the headship of Pope and Empe- 
ror. England was the first nation which, as a nation, 
broke away from this state of things ; it was of the great- 
est importance to the house of Austria and Spain that 
this rebellion should not be made good. 



-1547- Reformation under Henry VIII. 15 

The movement against the Papacy had been of long 
standing in England. The English Church had never 
submitted unreservedly to Papal control, 
and Papal encroachments had been guarded tion under 
against, especially in the reigns of Edward I. Henr yVlll. 
and Edward III., by stringent laws. At a time when 
general discontent with the Papacy prevailed in Europe 
particular cause for discontent was given to Henry VIII. 
As the royal power was then at its greatest height in 
England, Parliament transferred to the king the title of 
' Supreme Head of the Church of England/ and abolished 
all the rights over the Church in England which the Pope 
at that time claimed. 

This abolition of the Pope's power was all that Henry 
VIII., and perhaps a majority of the English people, 
meant at first by the measures taken in his reign. 
Henry's plan was to maintain the Church discipline and 
doctrines unchanged, but to maintain them without the 
authority of the Pope. 

As time went on it became clear that this was impos- 
sible. The ' men of the new learning 7 continued to apply 
to religious matters the tests of reason, or of 

, i /- i • . State of 

primitive custom, and much of the existing religious 
system was beginning to crumble away before P arties - 
them. Many, on seeing this, became alarmed, and 
asked themselves the question — ' Where is this to stop ? ' 
Afraid of the risk attending further enquiry, they went 
back to the old Papal system, as being surer than the 
novelties they heard on every side. They went back 
again to their old convictions, determined to meddle no 
more with change, but henceforth to fight the battle of 
the Pope. 

So, too, with the common people. They seem at first 
to have been willing enough to have the Pope set aside. 
But in the dissolution of the monasteries and its results, 



1 6 Progress of the Reformation, a.d. 1547. 

they soon began to see and feel what the royal headship 
of the Church might mean. Many who had seen with 
joy the monasteries fall, soon felt that their joy had been 
without cause. The monastery lands had passed to harder 
masters ; the taxes, which they had fondly hoped they 
never would have to pay again, were soon levied as if the 
royal coffers were no better filled than before. Many 
felt a great want in the associations of their daily life 
when they looked at the ruined piles with which so much 
that was solemn in their own lives had been connected. 
A large party, certainly the majority of the people, 
wished the old state of things quietly back again. 

Against these was set a party of earnest men — tho- 
roughly convinced of the badness of all that had gone 
on before, and wishing only to carry the changes further, 
so as to uproot everything that might still tend to keep 
the old errors alive. 

So long as Henry VIII. reigned, the more violent 
members of these two parties were kept down, and 
Henry forced his own position— the old Church system 
without a Pope — upon all alike. He seems, however, to* 
have moved on, in his later days, in the direction of fur- 
ther reforms ; and he was inclined still more towards 
the party of the new learning by the violent conduct of 
the Earl of Surrey, which brought suspicion on his 
father also, the Duke of Norfolk, who was at the head of 
the Papal party. 

When Henry died (Jan. 28, 1547), he appointed by 
his will a council of sixteen members, who were to man- 
age affairs during the minority of his young 
of son, Edward VI. Amongst the members of* 

Edward VI. t k e Council there was a majority of the men 
of the new learning, and the future movement of the 
Reformation in England depended upon the way in. 
which they would act. 



jv.d. 1547. Reformation wider Somerset. 17 

The Council seems to have felt the difficulty of its 
position. In the unsettled state of affairs it was neces- 
sary that the will of one man should guide the State. 
The Council therefore appointed one of their number, 
Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, Protector of the 
Realm. He was made Duke of Somerset, in accordance, 
it was said, with the late king's wish. As being Edward 
VI. 's uncle, he was likely to maintain his interests. 

The Duke of Somerset was the head of the Protes- 
tant party, and soon made known his intention of carry- 
ing out the Reformation as far as he could. The Re _ 
In this he was aided by the Archbishop of formation 
Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer, whose opinions Protector 
during the later years of Henry VIII. had Somerset - 
h>een slowly forming themselves after the model of the 
German Reformers. A series of measures were at once 
carried out which made England a Protestant nation in 
matters of doctrine as well as in Church government. 

First, a royal visitation of the whole kingdom was 
held. Commissioners were sent into every diocese to see 
that the Church services were properly conducted. A 
book of homilies composed by Cranmer was given to 
the clergy to be read in churches, and also a copy of 
Erasmus' paraphrase of the New Testament. The ser- 
vices were made simpler and more uniform by the publi- 
cation of the Book of Common Prayer. This, which is 
now known as the First Prayer Book of Edward VI., was 
compiled by Cranmer out of the old service-books, with 
a few changes. It has since undergone a few alterations 
and received a few additions, especially in 1662 ; but 
Cranmer's Prayer Book is in the main the same as that 
which is used by the Church of England at the present 
day. The fact that it is still looked upon with such affec- 
tion and reverence after three centuries, is the best proof 
that can be given of Cranmer's moderation and wisdom. 

M.H. C 



1 8 Progress of the Reformation. a.d. 1547.. 

On every side there were signs of the fall of the old 
system. Archbishop Cranmer ate meat openly in Lent ;: 
images were pulled down in the churches ; an Act of 
Parliament was passed, allowing the marriage of the 
clergy. The object of the new system was to recog- 
nise Scripture and not tradition as the basis of men's 
belief. 

These measures met with the approval of a majority 
of thinking men in England. They were popular in 
London, and in the larger towns. But in the country 
generally they were accepted without being approved of. 
There was a smouldering discontent on every side. It 
was only by a successful government in other respects 
that Somerset was likely to put his religious measures, 
upon a secure footing. Let us see, then, how far his 
other plans succeeded. 

The first point to which he turned his attention was a 
union between Scotland and England. Henry VII. and 
Somerset's Henry VIII. had both laboured for this object ; 
dealings f or j-j^y saw fa&X. E n gi an( j could never hold an 

Scotland. independent position in Europe so long as 
Scotland was an enemy always on the watch to take advan- 
tage of her momentary weakness. James V. of Scotland 
had died in 1542, leaving an infant daughter, Mary, as 
heir to the Scottish throne. Henry VIII. had endeavoured 
to bring about a marriage between Mary and his son 
Edward, and this policy was pursued by Somerset. First 
he tried negotiations, and when these failed, he advanced 
with an army into Scotland. The Scots were defeated 
with great loss at the battle of Pinkie-cleugh, not far 
from Edinburgh (September 10, 1547). Somerset, how- 
ever, had not time to follow up his victory. His presence 
was wanted in England, and he hastily left Scotland, 
"without having accomplished his object. 

By this expedition, Somerset obtained for the time 



a.d. 1548. Somerset's Policy. S^ 19 

great military glory in England ; but he increased the 
taxes of the people, who could ill endure to be^ taxed 
further. He also sowed so deep hatred in the heart 
of the Scots that they now threw themselves without re- 
serve into the arms of France, their old ally. The Scot- 
tish lords determined to bind France firmly to Scotland 
by the marriage of their young queen with the dauphin. 
Mary was sent to France in August, 1 548, to be educated 
till she was old enough for marriage. All hope of an 
alliance between England and Scotland was now at an 
end, and Somerset's endeavours to bring it about had 
only succeeded in making it impossible. Moreover, 
Scotland, by its alliance with France, had pledged itself 
to Catholicism, and Protestantism would meet from it 
with bitter opposition. 

In this point, then, Somerset had failed ; but still greater 
difficulties soon beset him at home. He had inherited 
from the last reign great financial troubles. Troubles in 
The country was in debt, in spite of all the England. 
confiscations of ecclesiastical property, and the coinage 
had been depreciated in value, as a means of enabling 
Government to pay off its debts. This policy, however^ 
had produced very disastrous results in the unsettled state 
of the country generally. The depreciation of the cur- 
rency at once increased prices. This made little differ- 
ence to the merchant or trader, who paid a higher price 
for what he bought, and got a higher price for what he 
sold. But the changes which were coming about in 
methods of cultivation, owing to the large amount of 
land which had suddenly changed hands after the disso- 
lution of the monasteries, prevented a proportionate in- 
crease in the wages of labourers. Large estates were now 
brought together into the hands of one landlord, and it 
was soon found that large farms were more profitable 
when used for grazing than when used for growing corn. 

C 2 



20 Progress of the Reformation, a.d. 1549. 

English wool could be sold to Flanders for a high price ; 
and so large sheep-farms became the chief agricultural 
industry of England. 

This change was bad for the labourers in many ways. 
Grazing farms, to be profitable, must be large, while corn 
may be grown, and give a small profit, on small estates. 
The growth of large sheep-farms tended to diminish the 
number of small tillage-farms, and so of small farmers, 
throughout the land. Again, large grazing-farms require 
quiet and "solitude, and villages were pulled down to 
make the district better suited for the purpose. Grazing- 
farms also require fewer labourers than tillage-farms, 
and many men were thrown out of employment, and so 
the rate of wages was, kept low. 

Nor was this all. The monasteries had been indul- 
gent landowners, and had never pressed their rights to the 
utmost. The new landowners, however, were far different. 
They enclosed all the waste land and common land which 
they could, and so deprived many families of their only 
livelihood. 

We cannot, then, be surprised that the poor were dis- 
contented with the Government, and connected their pre- 
sent misery with the religious change. The monasteries 
had gone, but the people were worse off than before. 
They wished that the old state of things was back again. 
This feeling led, in the summer of 1549, to risings of the 
peasants in many of the counties, which were easily 
checked at first. They, however, alarmed Somerset, who 
saw the evil of which the peasants complained, and did 
not wish to have the lower classes opposed to Protes- 
tantism. He therefore appointed commissioners to 
enquire into their grievances, and to remove the enclo- 
sures of the commons. This angered the gentry, who 
were the owners of the land, and encouraged the pea- 
sants to take into their own hands the redress of their 



a.d. 1549. Somerset's Unpopularity. 21 

wrongs. The insurrection broke out again in a more 
serious form. Particularly in Norfolk, under the leader- 
ship of Robert Ket, the insurgents became very formid- 
able, and were only put down after a severe struggle, by 
the Earl of Warwick, whose forces were largely com- 
posed of German mercenaries. 

By his conduct in this matter, Somerset had set 
against himself the landowners, and had Only beguiled 
the peasants to their ruin. His policy had somerset's 
failed as regarded Scotland, and it failed no ^£ nss 
less as regarded France. He was of 'opinion France, 
that peace must be made with France, at the price of the 
surrender of Boulogne, of the capture of which, in Henry 
VIII.'s reign, England was still proud. This step, how- 
ever, was so unpopular that; he did not dare to take it. 
France, encouraged by the troubled state of England 
and having no fear of the Emperor, who was busied in 
reducing Germany, sent a large army against Boulogne 
in August 1549. It was clear that Boulogne would soon 
fall, as Somerset had not sufficient troops at his com- 
mand to meet the French army in the field. 

Added to all this, Somerset had become personally 
unpopular.' The execution of his brother, Thomas, Lord 
Seymour, however justifiable, had given a „ 

, . , - ,. rT , 1 . Somersets 

great shock to popular feeling. There is no unpopu- 
doubt that Lord Seymour, who was Lord lanty ' 
High Admiral, was desirous of supplanting his brother. 
The times were times of wild ambition and desperate 
plotting for place and power. Lord Seymour had mar- 
ried the late king's widow with indecent haste, and after 
her early death had planned to obtain the hand of the 
Princess Elizabeth. He had tried to set the young king 
against the Protector, and to win his confidence himself. 
He was gathering troops for an attack upon his brother, 
and was robbing the Government by receiving money 



22 Progress of the Reformation. a.d. 1549. 

fraudulently coined. On these charges he was attainted, 
and was beheaded in 1548. Somerset was rid of a dan- 
gerous rival ; but the popular voice was loudly raised 
against the ambition that could require a brother's 
blood. 

Somerset, though sincere in his zeal for Protestantism, 
was also ambitious for his own greatness, and was proud, 
haughty, and high-handed in his behaviour. He treated 
the young king with harshness, and kept him under great 
restraint. He himself affected almost kingly magnifi- 
cence. He wrote to the king of France as ' brother.' He 
built himself a splendid palace, Somerset House, in the 
Strand, and spared nothing to make it worthy of his 
position. To provide a site for it he had pulled down a 
parish church, and carried off materials from the ruins of 
chapels. His personal haughtiness to those around him 
had become very offensive, and one of his friends did 
not scruple to write to him — c Of late your grace is grown 
in great choleric fashions, wheresoever you are contra- 
ried in that which you have conceived in your head.' 

The opposition to Somerset soon found a leader injohn 
Dudley, Earl of Warwick. He was the son of the minister 
Fall of °f Henry VI I. who had been put to death amid 

Somerset, ^he joy of the people, soon after the accession 
of Henry VIII. But Henry VIII. delighted to show that 
he could cast down and could raise up. John Dudley 
was gradually taken into his favour, was created Viscount 
Lisle-, and was left one of the executors of the king's will, 
and, as such, a member of the Privy Council. When the 
Earl of Hertford was raised to the title of Duke of 
Somerset, Lord Lisle was also created Earl of Warwick. 
Gradually he had gained an ascendancy over the Council, 
and to him, rather than to Somerset, was given the com- 
mand against the insurgent peasants. When he returned 



a.d. 1550. Government of Warwick. 23 

from his victory over Ket, he openly opposed the Protec - 
tor, and at last a quarrel broke out between the Council 
and Somerset. Both parties began to raise troops; but 
Somerset found that his popularity was gone. He was 
obliged to submit, to resign the office of Protector, to ask 
pardon for his offences and to retire into private life (Dec. 
1 549). His life was spared for a while, but he was found to 
be too powerful for the safety of his opponents. Changes 
of ministry were in those days thought secure only when 
established by the death of the fallen minister. Somerset 
plotted to regain his position. He formed a plan to raise 
London in his defence, and so laid himself open to a 
charge of high-treason, for which he was condemned to 
■death, and beheaded in December 155 1. 

On Somerset's fall, Warwick was the head of the 
Government In spite of the unpopularity of the mea- 
sure, he was compelled to carrv out Somer- ^ 

• T- ' rr-1 GoveTIl- 

set's plan of peace with France. There were ment of 
no hopes of saving Boulogne. England was Warwlck - 
impoverished, and had no troops. Her chief men were 
engaged, during the young kmg's minority, in struggling 
for their own ambitious ends. Her people were oppressed 
.by poverty, and distracted by religious discord. Peace, 
therefore, was made with France in the spring of 1550, and 
Boulogne was restored. Scotland, also, which was weary 
of war, was included in the peace. It was important for the 
French king at this time to have his hands free that he 
might be able to help the Protestants in Germany, and 
strike a blow at Charles V. 

Warwick was not, like Somerset, a man of deep re- 
ligious convictions, nor had ' he any object except self- 
interest in his desire for power. The Catholic party at 
first hoped that he would undo his rival's Protestant 
measures. Perhaps, however, he was afraid, if he did so, 



24 Progress of tlie Reformation, a.d. 155 1, 

of again strengthening Somerset's hands by putting him 
at the head of a strong religious party. The young king- 
also had formed very decided Protestant opinions, and 
Warwick could not have made any changes without com- 
ing into direct collision with the king, in whose name and 
for whose interest he professed to govern. The Catholic 
expectations, therefore, were disappointed, and Warwick,, 
having declared for the Reformation, helped to carry out 
measures of a more decidedly Protestant character. 

The success of Charles V. in Germany drove many 
of the leading German Reformers to seek shelter else- 
Progress of where. In England they were kindly re- 
R e f fma- lsh ce i ve d by Cranmer, whose own opinions ad- 
tion. vanced still further in a Protestant direction, 

from his intercourse with them. The most famous of 
these exiles, Peter Martyr and Bucer, were appointed to 
teach theology at the two universities, and everywhere 
the ideas of the English Reformers received a strong im- 
pulse from Lutheran teachers. This led to a great increase 
of reforming zeal, but also to greater lawlessness. Many 
different opinions prevailed on many matters, and this 
was viewed with alarm, as the unity of the State was 
believed to depend on a unity of religious belief. Hence 
the Prayer Book was again revised, and its use made com- 
pulsory by an Act of Parliament, which rendered it penal 
to be present at any religious service different from that 
therein prescribed. Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, and 
Bonner, Bishop of London, who had before been suspec- 
ted and imprisoned, were now deprived of their sees. To 
define more clearly the limits of the changes which the 
English Church had made, Archbishop Cranmer, in imi- 
tation of the Continental Reformers, compiled and issued 
the Articles of Religion. These, at first, numbered forty- 
two, but have since been reduced to thirty-nine. They, 
like the Prayer Book, have undergone some alterations 



a.d. 1552. Faults of the Reformers. 25 

since Cranmer's day, but in the main they continue such 
as he first issued. 

England was now decidedly Protestant. But it would 
take some time before the changes that had been made 
could sink down thoroughly amongst the people. The wild- 
ness and lawlessness of some Protestant teachers did 
much to alarm the people and make them fear the ten- 
dency of the changes which had been made. This led to 
repression on the part of the Government ; and when the 
Reformers are charged with intolerance it must be re- 
membered that religion could not, in those times, be a 
matter merely of individual opinion. Upon the main- 
tenance of unity, up to a certain point, depended social 
order and national strength. 

It is to be regretted that the leading statesmen under; 
Edward VI. were influenced, almost entirely, by selfish 
motives, and that many of the leading ecclesiastics spent 
much of their time and energies in quarrels about points 
of small importance. The Reformed doctrines were not 
commended to the ignorant people by the wisdom, the 
charity, or the alluring character of its chief political 
promoters. As an instance of the want of any directing 
zeal may be taken the dealings of the king's advisers with 
Ireland, where, with a view of discouraging the use of 
the Irish language, it was ordered that the Irish should 
only have the church services read to them in English. 
This is one reason of the ill-success of the Refor- 
mation movement in Ireland. It came to the people in a 
form imposed upon them by their rulers, a form which 
professed to appeal only to their convictions, yet which 
was conveyed in a language they could not understand. 

Protestantism in England had not as yet become a 
national movement. The political leaders had adopted 
it, some through conviction, some for interested motives. 
It was genuinely accepted and zealously spread by a. 



26 Progress of the Reformation. a.d. 1553. 

number of earnest converts. But the great mass of the 
people were content to obey the laws, though their lin- 
gering sentiment inclined in favour of the old state of 
things, whose evils were forgotten now that they had been 
removed, while the evils of the change were severely felt 
and their influence on the present misery exaggerated. 

The failing health of the young king filled the sup- 
porters of the Reformation with alarm. According to 
- , Henry VIII.'s will, the Princess Mary, his 

Northum- / . *" 

beriand's daughter by Catherine of Aragon, was to 
plot * succeed. Mary never forgot her Spanish de- 

scent nor her mother's wrongs, and the religious change 
in England was necessarily connected in her mind with the 
thoughts of an insult offered to herself by the declaration 
of her illegitimacy. She never forgot also that she was the 
Emperor's cousin, and the example of his policy in Ger- 
many was not likely to be thrown away upon her. The 
possibility of her accession filled the dominant party 
with alarm. They saw in it destruction to themselves and 
their plans. 

As Edward VI.'s health grew worse, and it became 
evident that he had not long to live, the ambition of 
the Duke of Northumberland, for such was Warwick's 
new title, found out a scheme for altering the succession 
to the throne in a manner favourable to himself and 
Protestantism. Edward VI. was convinced that it was 
his duty to save the country from the danger of a return to 
6 Papistry.' He was persuaded that he had power to settle 
the succession by will as much as his father had. He 
forgot that his father had had that power conferred upon 
him by Act of Parliament. When once he was con- 
vinced, he shared all his father's determination and 
strength of will. The legal scruples of the judges were 
overruled by his stern and imperious commands. The 
moral scruples of Archbishop Cranmer had to bow be- 



a.d. 1553- Lady Jane Grey. 27 

fore the young king's will. With his own hand the dying 
boy drew out the draft of an instrument which was to 
secure to England a Protestant Queen. 

Mary, he argued, was barred by illegitimacy, as was 
also Elizabeth. By Henry VIII.'s will the line of his 
younger sister, Mary, who had married Brandon, Duke of 
Suffolk, had been preferred for the succession to the line 
of his elder sister, Margaret, who had married James IV. 
of Scotland. 1 Mary's eldest daughter had married Grey, 
Duke of Suffolk, and their eldest child, the Lady Jane 
Grey, who had been recently married to Northumber- 
land's son, the Lord Guilford Dudley, was chosen by the 
dying Edward for his successor. Northumberland coun- 
ted upon the Protestant feeling in London to support him. 
He strengthened his family connexions by intermarriages, 
and trusted that France would work with him to prevent 
the Emperor's cousin from ascending the English throne. 

When Edward VI. diedQuly 6, 1553) at the early age of 
seventeen, Queen Jane was duly proclaimed. The people, 
however, taken by surprise at this change, Lady 
received their new queen in silence. The Jane Grey. 
English people have always respected law, and religious 
discord had not yet created among them such strong 
party feeling as to make them ready for violent mea- 
sures. N orthumberland soon found that he was mistaken 
in his hopes of strong popular support. He had also 
not succeeded in seizing the Princess Mary. She fled to 
Norwich, where she had been proclaimed queen, and 
where many lords flocked to her standard. Moreover, 
Northumberland had difficulties with the queen whom 
he had chosen. Though only a girl of sixteen, she was 
wise beyond her years, and had a high sense of the 
duties of her office. Her first exclamation, when she 
beard that she was queen, was a fervent prayer that 
1 See Genealogical table on p. 33. 



28 Catholic Reaction in England. a.d. 1553. 

God would give her strength to wield- her sceptre for the 
nation's good. Northumberland found that he could not 
use her as a puppet. She refused to have her husband 
crowned with herself. Those who had joined North- 
umberland from purely selfish motives began to falL 
away when they saw that he would not be absolute even 
if he succeeded. 

Northumberland's scheme, therefore, entirely failed. 
He advanced against Mary, but found that his troops fell 
Failure away from him. At last, in Cambridge, losing 

and death heart at tl\e desertions, he proclaimed Mary 
Northum- queen while the tears ran down his face, 
beriand. Mary now entered London unopposed. The 

Lady Jane was committed to the Tower. Northumber- 
land pleaded guilty to the charge of high-treason, and 
was beheaded. On the scaffold he told the people that 
he died in the old religion, and that ambition only had 
led him to conform to the late changes. It is impossible 
to feel any sympathy for him. He was a man without 
any principle, except that of self-advancement, and his 
plan to alter the succession was badly laid and negli- 
gently carried out. His selfish policy, his irreligious life, 
and his hypocrisy or cowardice at the last, made him a 
most fatal friend to the Reformation. It was because the 
affairs of England were managed by men like him under 
Edward VI. that Protestant principles did not take 
deeper root, and the reaction that followed became 
possible. 

CHAPTER III. 

CATHOLIC REACTION IN ENGLAND. — 1553 — 1555. 

The accession of Mary occurred at a time when 
Charles V. was looking for some means of strengthening 
himself against France, and again making himself su- 



a.d. 1553- Mary and Charles V. 29 

preme in Germany. Mary was his cousin, and had been 
brought up in traditional reverence of his Queen 
wisdom and power. During the last reign, Mary and 
Charles had interfered to procure for her the 
right of celebrating mass according to the Roman use, 
which Edward VI. was desirous to stop, according to the 
law. Mary, at her accession, found herself without a friend 
whom she could entirely trust. She was fervently at- 
tached to the old religion, and her fondest desire was to 
restore it in England. She threw herself upon the Empe- 
ror for support in this, and trusted to his wisdom for her 
guidance. • 

It is this that gives Mary's reign its interest. If 
England could only be allied firmly with Spain, and 
brought back to the old state of things, Charts V.'s policy 
might still succeed. The Austro-Spanish power might be 
established as supreme in Europe. Change would be 
rolled back, and future reorganisation would depend on 
the Emperor's will. 

The ideas of Charles V. were, in the main points, 
much the same as those of Henry VIII. He would have 
no change in doctrine or in Church disci- - , 

, . , , . , , r, , Charles V . s 

plme ; but he wished to see flagrant abuses advice to 
reformed, and the Pope's power rendered Mary> 
subordinate to his own. We see in Mary and Philip the 
result of the struggle of the previous generation. They 
were both one-sided and bigoted ; both submitted them- 
selves entirely to the Pope, and by the very severity of 
their reactionary measures rendered their success im- 
possible. So scrupulous was Mary even about small 
matters that she put off her coronation till she had re- 
ceived the oil to be used at the ceremony from Granvella, 
Bishop of Arras. She was afraid that the English oil might 
nave lost its virtue, owing to the schism from Rome. 

The policy which Charles V. prescribed was one of 



30 Catholic Reaction in England, a.d. 1553; 

moderation and tolerance till she felt secure. Then the 
alliance with himself was to be secured by Mary's mar- 
riage with his son Philip. Afterwards the restoration of 
the old state of things might be brought about gradually 
by legal means. Charles V. well knew the temper of the 
English people, and did not deceive himself about the 
difficulties of the marriage. He wished Mary, above all 
things, to secure her throne first of all, and warned her 
not to imperil it by offending her people. 

The religious question, however, could not be left un- 
settled. Mary herself attended the mass service accord- 
Religious m g to the «ld usage, and in many places the 
changes. \& services were again introduced. The 
bishops of the Catholic party, who had been deprived of 
office in the^ast reign, were restored to their sees, and 
the Reforming bishops were in their turn committed to 
the Tower. Cranmer drew this upon himself by boldly 
publishing a letter in which he expressed his grief at 
hearing that the mass service had been restored in Can- 
terbury Cathedral. He denounced its < blasphemies/ and 
offered to prove publicly that the Reformed doctrines were 
in accordance with Scripture. Ridley, Bishop of London, 
and Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, soon followed Cran- 
mer to the Tower. 

The Queen's chief adviser was Gardiner, Bishop of 
Winchester, whom she delivered from the Tower, where 
„ ,. he had been confined during the late reign. 

Gardiner _. , ° . . ° 

made Gardiner is the last of the great ecclesiastical 

Chancellor, statesmen in whom mediseval England was so- 
rich. He was a statesman rather than an ecclesiastic, 
and the odium which has been attached to his name 
as a persecutor does not seem to be fairly his due. Gar- 
diner was a thorough Englishman. He had been one of 
the foremost in urging the abolition of the Pope's supre- 
macy under Henry VIII. He wished for a national Church,, 



a.d. i553« Mary's Marriage Schemes. 31 

but he did not wish in consequence to see any changes in 
doctrine or in ceremonies. He could not, therefore, agree 
with any of the changes in the late reign, and he honestly 
wished to abolish them. 

Gardiner, therefore, as Lord Chancellor, directed 
Mary's policy when she met her Parliament. The Crown 
interest had no doubt been greatly used to get a Parlia- 
ment agreeable to the queen's views. But the heads of* 
the Reforming party were scattered. All were discredited 
by the failure of Northumberland's plot ; some were in 
prison ; many had fled to the parts of the Continent 
where they might hold their opinions in safety. The 
middle classes of the large towns were, on the whole, in 
favour of the late changes ; but the country people were, 
on the whole, of Gardiner's opinion — they wanted to have 
the old state of things, but to be rid of the Pope. 

Under these circumstances we cannot feel much sur- 
prise that Gardiner found the new Parliament easy to- 
manage. All the enactments affecting Queen Catholic 
Catherine's divorce were repealed, and Mary's restoration. 
legitimacy fully established. It was determined to go 
back to Henry VIII.'s policy. The Prayer Book was 
abolished, and all the changes of the late reign were un- 
done. Religion was restored to the condition in which it 
had been left at the death of Henry VIII. 

So far, Mary had advanced without difficulty. The 
next question to be settled was her marriage with Philip. 
So well did Charles V. know the opposition , 

this plan was likely to meet with that he marriage 
would not allow it to be complicated with any schemes - 
further question of the Pope's supremacy. At once, on: 
the news of Mary's accession, Cardinal Pole was sent as 
the Pope's legate to England ; but on his way through the 
Netherlands he received orders from the Emperor to go 
110 further without his permission. There were many in 



32 Catholic Reaction in England. a.d. 1554. 

England who wished Mary to marry Pole ; for Reginald 
Pole's mother, the Countess of Salisbury, was a daughter 
of the Earl of Clarence, Edward IV.'s brother, and 
through her Pole could claim a royal descent. 1 During 
Henry VIII.'s reign, Pole had gone into exile rather than 
recognise the royal supremacy. He incurred Henry's anger 
by writing a most violent book against his divorce. In his 
plots against Henry's throne he so far involved his mother 
and brothers that they died as traitors on the scaffold. 

The candidate, however, of the English was Courtenay, 
Earl of Devon, whom Mary had released from the 
Tower. He was recommended by his youth, his noble 
family, and his descent from the old royal house of 
England through his grandmother, who was a daughter of 
Edward IV.* His own misconduct, however, gave Mary 
a plausible excuse for rejecting his claims. She was deter- 
mined to marry Philip ; and though Gardiner at first op- 
posed this most earnestly, yet, when he saw the queen's 
mind was thoroughly made up, he did his best to protect 
the interests of England, and make the marriage as little 
disastrous as might be to the nation and the queen. The 
terms which he drew up, and which the Emperor was 
obliged to accept, gave Philip no royal title over England, 
no rights of succession, and no legal influence over English 
affairs. 

Still the very mention of this marriage offended the 
English national feeling, and created deep discontent. 
Wyatt's Some English nobles put themselves at- the 

rebellion. head of risings in different counties, in favour 
of the Princess Elizabeth and Courtenay, who were to be 
proclaimed king and queen. But the conspirators did 
not lay their plans wisely. In Devonshire and Cornwall 
Sir Peter Carew discovered himself too soon, and was 
obliged to flee to France. At Coventry, the Earl of 
* See Genealogical table opposite. 



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34 Catholic Reaction in England. a.d. 1554. 

Suffolk, Lady Jane Grey's father, was equally unsuccess- 
ful, and was made prisoner at Coventry. In Kent only, 
under Sir Thomas Wyatt, was the rebellion formidable ; 
but there it threatened to be dangerous to the queen. 
Wyatt, at the head of 15,000 men, advanced against Lon- 
don. The queen had no troops to meet him, and the 
citizens were wavering in their opinions. In this emer- 
gency Mary displayed her courage. She determined to 
throw herself upon the loyalty of her people, and ordering 
the lord mayor to summon a meeting of the citizens, she 
entered the Guildhall and herself addressed them. Mary 
was not prepossessing in appearance ; but at such a 
moment the black piercing eyes that gleamed from her 
sallow face, and the deep man's voice that jarred upon 
the ear in ordinary talk, lent greater dignity to her look 
and speech. Marriage, she said, was not so dear to her 
that for it she would sacrifice her people's good; unless 
her marriage were approved by Parliament, she would 
never marry. c Wherefore stand fast against these rebels, 
your enemies and mine. Fear them not, for I assure you 
I fear them nothing at all.' 

Next morning 20,000 men had enrolled themselves to 
guard the city. As Wyatt advanced, his army fell off 
from him. He forced his way into London, but found that 
no one rose to welcome him. He tried to retire, but was 
taken prisoner (Feb. 7, 1554). 

After the failure of this rebellion the queen's advisers 
determined to strengthen her position still more by re- 
moving out of the way all who hereafter might raise 
claims against her. Lady Jane Grey and her husband 
were beheaded. Elizabeth and Courtenay were im- 
prisoned, and attempts were made to implicate them in 
Wyatt's rising. The Emperor urged the necessity of 
putting Elizabeth to death; but Gardiner felt that the 
queen was not strong enough to proceed to such a mea- 
sure. The people had supported Mary both against 



-a.d. 1554- Mary's Marriage with Philip. 35 

Northumberland and Wyatt, not because she was popular, 
/but because she was their lawful queen. Elizabeth 
claimed their support for a similar -reason, because she 
was the lawful heir to the throne. To lay hands upon 
her would destroy Mary's own position, and make her 
marriage with Philip hated amongst all. For the present 
Elizabeth must be spared. 

This unsuccessful rising against Mary's marriage made 
-all who were well disposed towards the queen give their 
consent at once to a measure about which they 
had been previously doubtful. Parliament marries 
:gave its approval, and Philip landed in England Phlll P* 
in July 1554. Philip himself had been brought up en- 
tirely in Spain, and had imbibed the pride and haughti- 
ness of the Castilian nobles. He was cold and reserved 
in manner, stiff and formal in speech. He was not of 
robust frame, and so had no pleasure in out-door sports 
or feats of arms. When he left Spain and joined his 
father in the Netherlands, Charles V. saw with distress 
that his son did not succeed in pleasing any of the four 
peoples whom he would soon be called upon to rule. The 
Italians murmured at his want of vivacity ; the Flemish 
• despised him for his coldness and want of affability; to the 
Germans he was entirely hateful in every way. It was in 
vain that Charles V. had done his utmost to secure to Philip 
the ultimate succession to the Empire. Ferdinand of 
Austria, Charles V.'s brother, refused to waive his son's 
claims, and the German princes would not give up their 
right of election. Charles V. was disappointed in his 
Tiope of bequeathing all his dominions to his son. 

But Charles V. had appreciated his son's faults of 
manner, and Philip was straitly charged to 
spare no pains in conciliating the English. i n * ip 
Charles V. had already resigned to him Naples En s Iand - 
and Sicily, that he might not come to England as a poor 



36 Catholic Reaction in England, a.d. 1554. 

landless prince. He came, too, well supplied with 
Spanish gold, which was largely distributed amongst 
the most influential members of Parliament, and had 
great weight in bringing about the reconciliation of 
England with the Pope. So anxious was Philip to be 
conciliatory that he begged his attendants, immediately 
on landing, to conform to English customs, and set them 
an example by drinking a tankard of English ale. 

The chief anxiety of Mary and her husband was to 
bring back England into union with Catholic Christen- 
Re-estab- dom, under the headship of the Pope. It was 
lishment a difficult matter, and had been felt by the 
Papal Emperor to be so. He had urged great cau- 

supremacy. t - on an( j moderation, and had checked Mary's 
impetuosity. He had detained Pole, the papal legate, 
in Flanders, and would not allow him to proceed till he 
had obtained from the Pope full powers to allow the 
secularised Church property to remain in the hands of 
its present holders. Charles V. knew well that the 
English had always borne very grudgingly the claims of 
the papal supremacy. To get them to admit it again, when 
once it had been thrown off, would be a very hard task. 
But to get them to admit it, and to require of the nobles at 
the same time to resign the Church lands, of which they 
had obtained possession during the late changes, would 
be entirely impossible. On the other hand, it was hard 
for the Pope to forgive rebellion against him, and leave 
the rebels in possession of all the booty they had gained : 
it was a bad example to the other European churches. 
Under the Emperor's influence, however, Pope Julius III. 
who was an easy, good-natured man, with no very high 
views of his office, gave Pole permission to waive the 
question of the restoration of the abbey lands. 

When this point had been gained, matters were easier- 
The royal influence was used to the utmost to procure 



a.d. i554- Restoration of Papal Supremacy . 37 

the election of trusty members of parliament, and the 
temper of the new House of Commons „ . 

-. • -i 1 1 -11 i Cardinal 

was first tried by a bill to reverse the Pole 
attainder of Cardinal Pole. This was at once return$ - 
passed, and Pole returned to England, at first only 
.as an English nobleman. But he was so well received 
.by the people that he soon ventured to appear with all 
the pomp of papal legate. This too caused no disturbance, 
and when he reached London he was received with 
most marked honours by the queen and .her hus- 
band. Parliament at once passed a resolution in favour 
of reunion with the Roman Church. On St. Andrew's 
day (November 30), 1554, Pole gave his solemn absolu- 
tion to the nation. The queen and Philip, with all the 
members of both Houses of Parliament, knelt humbly 
.before him as he freed them from the penalties of schism 
.and ' restored them to the communion of Holy Church.' 
The papal supremacy was at once restored, and all acts 
of parliament which had been passed against it were re- 
pealed. At the same time the clergy formally resigned 
their claims to the Church lands which had been seized, 
and an act of parliament established the titles of their 
existing possessors. The nobles and great landholders 
must have been glad enough at this papal restoration. 
It certainly benefited them, as it confirmed their claims 
to the new lands they had got. Both of the two religious 
parties were equally pledged not to disturb them in their 
possessions. 

The Catholic reaction had now firmly set in, and was 
in the full tide of popular favour. We have to see how, 
in the next four years, it was entirely discredited ; how 
it failed to win popular sympathy ; how it was associated 
with persecutions, with national distress and disaster, and 
left behind it a deep-seated hatred of popery which sent 
England forward on a new career as the chief Protestant 
nation of Europe. 



38 Catholic Reaction in England. a.d. 1555.. 

First of all, the victorious Catholics entered upon a 
career of persecution, which awoke deep disgust in the- 

. mind of the people. The old laws against 

persecu- S the Lollards were revived by Parliament, and 
tion. t k e chief men amongst the Reformers were 

put in prison. Their condemnation and execution soon 
followed, and men were burnt at the stake in different 
parts of England, to produce a wide-spread feeling of fear.. 
Hooper, Ridley, Latimer, and Cranmer, who had been> 
bishops, were all burnt. Archbishop Cranmer had been 
induced to recant, to save his life ; but his recantation was. 
of no avail, and was only meant to add to his humiliation^ 
At the last, however, his courage came back to him, and 
he died nobly, lamenting his cowardice, and declaring" 
the depth of his real convictions. Everywhere the peo- 
ple looked upon these executions with horror and disgust y. 
while the resolute behaviour of the martyrs won general 
sympathy. It is true that in other countries religious 
persecution claimed many more victims than in England. 
But in England the victims were chosen deliberately from 
the most important people. The persecution was not 
founded on popular fanaticism or wide-spread religious 
bigotry, but was conducted and approved of by the go- 
vernment alone. It was connected also in the minds of 
the people with Spanish interference and with foreign 
aggression. In no other country did persecution make- 
so deep an impression on the mind of the people, and 
the impression is recorded in the title of ' Bloody ; which 
has been attached to the unhappy queen in whose name 
these horrors were done. 

But if the people saw that a recognition of the Pope 
_ _ , meant persecution at which they shuddered,- 

Confiscated , ' 

Church the nobles and gentry soon found also that 

lands. - t m igj lt a ff ec t them in their most tender 

point, their pockets. The papal claims over the confis- 



a.d. 1555- Marys Home Government. 39 

cated Church lands had been given up, but the new 
Pope, Paul IV. (1555), was not at once disposed to 
agree to the promise made by his predecessor. The 
queen's conscience was hurt by the possession of Church 
lands, and she determined to give back to the Church 
all the ecclesiastical property in the hands of the 
Crown. She busied herself also with the restoration of 
monasteries. The owners of Church lands looked upon 
this with great distrust ; they began to feel that if the 
old religion really made head in England, they would 
not long be able to hold their lands as they had done. 
This munificence of Mary towards the Church of 
course diminished the royal revenues. The debts which 
had come down from Henry VIII., and had „ 

Mary s 

been increased under Edward VI., went on home 
growing. The coinage had been debased s° vernment - 
in value, and was not restored ; foreign trade conse- 
quently languished. The government was so busily en- 
gaged in burning heretics that the national defences 
were neglected. The ships were not kept in repair, and 
the fortifications were allowed to fall into ruins. The 
English coasts were ravaged by exiles, especially from 
Cornwall, who had fled after Wyatt's failure, and now, 
under French protection, infested the Channel as pirates. 
Everyone saw that the government of the Catholic re- 
vival was not likely to restore national prosperity. 

When in addition to all these causes of discontent 
was added an estrangement between Mary and the Pope, 
by which the English saw the Pope take the side of their 
enemies, we cannot wonder that Mary saw all her hopes 
fade away, and that her reign ended in national humilia- 
tion and disasters, which began to make the name of 
the papacy hateful to the majority of Englishmen. For 
the causes of this we must go back to consider the plans 
of Charles V., and see how they had been prospering. 



40 France, Spain , and the Papacy. a.d. 1556 



CHAPTER IV. 

FRANCE, SPAIN, AND THE PAPACY.— 1 555- 1 5 58. 

In the year 1555, when the Diet of Augsburg con- 
firmed the religious settlement in Germany, Charles V. 
Opposi- again found, as he had done before, that the 

CharksV policy of the Pope was guided by other 
in Italy. motives than a desire for the spread of Catho- 

licism. Pope Paul IV., Giovanni Piero Caraffa, was a 
Neapolitan by birth. He was of the age of eighty, and 
his mind was filled with the old Italian patriotism of his 
youthful days, when Italy had not yet fallen under foreign 
rule. He hated the Spaniards, and was determined to 
spare no pains in driving them out of Naples. He ac- 
cordingly hastened to make an alliance with the French 
king for this purpose. 

Charles V., though not old in years, being only fifty-six, 

felt himself worn out in health and vigour, and shrunk from 

the prospect of another long war. He deter- 

Abdica- . . , _ n . , . 

tion of mined therefore to resign his power to his son 

Charles v. Philip, and spend his remaining years in soli- 
tude. Charles had long ago formed this determination. 
His reign of thirty-six years had been one of ceaseless 
activity. He had never remained more than a few months 
in any one place, but had hastened, as need required, from 
one part of his vast dominions to another. To him, as 
to his son Philip, power brought laborious duties which 
must be conscientiously fulfilled. Wishing to spend the 
last years of his life in quiet, and thinking that he had 
done all he could do, and that the time was favourable for 
his successor, Charles resigned, in 1556, the Netherlands, 



- 1 5 5 7. Successes of Philip II. 4 1 

Spain, and his possessions in Italy, to his son Philip. He 
then retired to the monastery of Yuste in Estremadura, 
where he had prepared a house suitable to his needs. There 
he lived till the end of 1558, engaged alternately in poli- 
tics and devotion, eagerly watching the course of events 
in Europe, and helping Philip by his counsels. 

War soon broke out in Italy. The Pope quarrelled 
with the Spaniards, and called the French to his assist- 
ance, but both in Italy and in France the _ 
cause of Philip prevailed. England was in- Philip 11. 
duced to join in the war against France, and I557 ' 
the Earl of Pembroke led 10,000 men to join Philip's 
army in the Netherlands. On August 10, 1557, the 
French were defeated decisively in an attempt to relieve 
the important town of St. Quentin. The French army in 
Italy was hastily recalled, and the Pope, finding himself left 
to the mercy of Philip's viceroy in Naples, the celebrated 
Duke of Alva, was compelled to make peace. He received, 
Tiowever, the most favourable terms. The conquering 
Alva knelt with the deepest reverence before the enemy 
he had overcome. It was impossible for the Spaniards to 
be long at enmity with the Pope. 

This war between Spain and the Pope had, however, 
important influence on England. If the Pope hated 
Philip, it was natural that some part of his 
hatred should fall on Philip's wife. Partly to iv P and U 
annoy Mary, Paul IV. urged the restoration of En s land - 
the Church lands in England, and revoked the legatine 
powers of Cardinal Pole. Pole had succeeded Cranmer 
as Archbishop of Canterbury, and to him as much as to 
any man was the papal restoration in England due. But 
Paul IV. had always been opposed to Pole, for Pole, when 
at Rome, had sympathised with many of the Protestant 
doctrines, particularly with that of 'justification by faith 
only.' Pole was now dealt with as a suspected heretic, 



42 France, Spain, and the Papacy. a.d. 1558. 

and a Franciscan friar of no reputation, the queen's 
confessor, was made papal legate in his stead. Mary 
saw that an attempt to recognise such a man as legate 
in England would be very disastrous. With something- 
of her father's spirit, she threatened the old penalties of" 
praemunire to anyone who should introduce the Bull into- 
England. The Pope pressed the matter no farther, but 
Mary and Pole felt sadly the position in which they were 
placed. They were thwarted by the very power which it 
was the one object of their lives to serve, and they knew 
that the sight of this house divided against itself was de- 
stroying the confidence of the English people. 

But Mary's government soon received a. severe shock. 
The French were anxious to strike some blow which 
Loss of might compensate for their defeat at St. 

Calais. Quentin, and the decayed defences and scanty 

garrison of Calais invited their attack. In the winter of 
1557-8 Calais was surprised, and the last possession of 
the English in France was lost. The loss was not in 
itself important, but the disgrace was deeply felt ; for the 
English claims to France were dear to every Englishman, 
and war with France on their account had always been 
popular. Now the last remnant of England's conquests 
was lost, and with it much of England's past glory had 
fallen away. The loss of Calais was felt equally by the 
queen and the people. 

From every side disappointment and disaster closed 
over the last years of Mary's reign. Philip, to whom she was 
, devotedly attached, had willingly left England 

failure and to administer his wide dominions. Mary's hopes 
death. Q f an ^eir, w ] 10 should maintain the Spanish 

line on the English throne, had been disappointed. By the 
death of Gardiner she had been deprived of her most faithful 
minister. Pole, who had so long directed her ecclesiastical 
policy, had fallen into disgrace with the Pope. Abroad 



a.d. 1558. Death of Mary. 43. 

she met with disaster, and at home she was greeted with 
the murmurs and unconcealed discontent of her people. 
Mary's reign ended most sadly. Weighed down by 
disease which made her old before her time, she saw that 
all her plans had failed. She could not believe that plans 
to restore the religion in which she had such fervent faith 
could possibly fail to meet with the Divine favour. If 
they seemed to fail it was only because they were carried 
out half-heartedly. Catholicism must be more firmly 
established, and the Protestant heresy must be rooted 
out. So Mary urged religious persecution with greater 
zeal, and Pole, who was a humane man by nature, and 
always opposed extreme measures, was roused to perse- 
cution as a means of proving his orthodoxy. So it was 
that the persecutions of Mary's later years excited deeper 
popular disgust. They were urged on with greater zeal by 
the queen, just as the mass of the people had felt their 
first enthusiasm, which alone could make trials and exe- 
cutions tolerable to their consciences, grow cooler by fur- 
ther experience. Mary felt that she was hated by the 
people whose best interests she firmly believed she was 
labouring to further. Anonymous letters were thrown be- 
fore her, and were even hidden in her books of devotion. 
She died on November 17, 1558, and Pole died within a 
few hours of his mistress. Both felt in their last hours 
that their work was likely to fall to the ground with them. 
Upon Mary's death Elizabeth came to the throne 
without any opposition. The Catholic party could not 
unite to exclude her, for it was weakened by 
the war between France and Spain. It was of Eliza- 
impossible for Philip to rejoice at the acces- betb ' 
sion of Anne Boleyn's daughter to the English throne, 
but still less could he endure the other possible heir, 
Mary of Scotland ; for she was married to the Dauphin of 
France, and so her accession would throw England into 



44 France, Spain, and the Papacy, a.d. 1558 

opposition to Spain. Moreover, Elizabeth's religious views 
were still a matter of conjecture ; she had not expressed 
herself very strongly on either side, but, like the great 
mass of the people, had conformed to the established re- 
ligion under Edward VI. and Mary equally. Her in- 
clinations were towards Protestantism, but she was not 
fond of extremes. Philip still hoped that she might be 
won over to his side. He offered her his hand in mar- 
riage, and Elizabeth did not at once refuse, as she wished 
to feel her way at first, and avoid difficulties as much as 
possible. 

The condition of England was indeed very perilous. 
The treasury was empty, the revenue was anticipated, 

_ „ and there was a large debt. Trade was Ian- 

Dangers of . ° jl 

Elizabeth's guishmg, the coinage was debased, and the 

position. Channel was swarming with pirates. The 
country was divided by religious struggles, and was en- 
gaged in a disastrous war with France, into which it had 
been plunged in the interest of Spain. Added to this, 
Elizabeth's legitimacy was doubted, and there was a pre- 
tender to the throne. It was clearly necessary to act at 
first with the greatest prudence and caution. 

As regards religion Elizabeth was not anxious to de- 
clare herself too soon. On the one hand she attended 
the mass service to please the Catholics ; on the other 
hand she forbad the elevation of the host to please the 
Protestants. But this impartial conduct was soon made 
impossible by the conduct of the Pope. Paul IV. grew 
no milder as he grew older, and had fallen still more 
under French influence. When Elizabeth's ambassador 
announced to him her accession, he answered that 
' Elizabeth, being illegitimate, could not ascend the throne 
without his consent; it was impertinent on her part to do 
so. Let her, in the first place, submit her claims to his 
'decision.' 



-J559. Elizabeth and Philip II 45. 

Elizabeth had now no doubt about her line of action. 
She could not hope to strengthen herself against France 
and Scotland by an alliance with Spain. For Her atti _ 
Philip could not have married her without a tude 
dispensation from the Pope, and she was the France and 
daughter of a marriage which the papacy s ? aln - 
could never forgive. To attempt to marry Philip would 
be to surrender her claim to the English throne into the 
hands of the Pope. She therefore rejected Philip's offer 
of marriage, and was consequently compelled to agree to 
peace with France at the price of leaving Calais in their 
hands. Philip II. was desirous of peace with France, for 
his treasury was empty, and it was hopeless for him to 
try and crush France entirely. Elizabeth, on her side, 
was afraid that Spain would make a separate peace, and 
leave her to carry on war with France single-handed. 
The peace of Cateau Cambresis, concluded on April 12, 
1559, left France in possession of Calais, as well as of 
Metz, Toul, and Verdun. Philip was content to secure 
the Alps as the boundary of his Italian possessions, by 
establishing once more the independence of Savoy and 
Piedmont under their duke. 

After this peace Elizabeth's hands were free. She 
was determined henceforth to act independently in politi- 
cal matters, to take her own line of action and maintain 
it, to trust to her people, and to support her own mea- 
sures by identifying them with her people's interests. It 
was in this that the significance of Elizabeth's reign lay. 
She was obliged by the isolation in which she found her- 
self to throw herself entirely upon her people. Under her, 
therefore, England became again united, and took up 
once more a leading position among the nations of 
Europe. 



.46 Religious Settlement in England, a.d. 1559. 



CHAPTER V. 

RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT IN ENGLAND. 

The first result of Elizabeth's experience of the papal 

plans was to force her to fall back upon the Protestant 

party in England. This party was becoming 

Elizabeth's v J , & , , . r / & 

religious stronger day by day, owing to the return of 
position. many who had been driven into exile by the 

persecutions of Mary's reign. These men had mostly 
taken refuge in Geneva, and had there imbibed the 
opinions of Calvin. They came back deeply imbued with 
Calvin's system, and by their energy gained great influence 
over the people. Elizabeth, and her chief adviser Cecil, 
were both of them reformers in the sense that they saw 
much that needed alteration in the old state of things ; 
but Elizabeth could never bring herself to accept the 
revolutionary ideas of Calvin. She had more sympathy 
with her father's plan of maintaining the old Church 
•system, but without any connexion with Rome. She was 
also a great reader of the writings of the early fathers of 
the Church, and her plan was to free the English Church 
from the beliefs and practices which had sprung up in it 
through its relations to Rome, without altering the 
Catholic foundation on which it rested. 

In this plan, also, she had to proceed cautiously, for 
it was not a plan which could command popular enthu- 
siasm. It would not conciliate the Catholic party, and 
would not please the followers of Calvin. It could only 
be established by careful management and prudence. 
Concessions must be made to both the extreme parties if the 
plan was to succeed. It was in this way that the religious 



a.d. 1559. Re-establishment of Protestantism. 47 

settlement under Elizabeth gave its peculiar character to 
the Church of England. 

Elizabeth began at once to take a middle course be- 
tween the Protestants and Catholics. She proclaimed 
that the old Services were to be continued till R e -estab- 
Parliament met, and meanwhile spared no p^ e P tof 
efforts to secure the election of a subservient ism. 
House of Commons. A commission of divines was ap- 
pointed to revise the Prayer Book of Edward VI., so that 
no time should be lost in submitting to Parliament a 
scheme for the settlement of the religious difficulty. 

The Parliament, which met in 1559, re-established the 
royal supremacy over the Church, and enacted that an 
oath of recognition of the queen as supreme governor of 
her kingdom, in all causes spiritual as well as civil, should 
be imposed on all clergy and magistrates. The revised 
Prayer Book, which had been modified to suit the more 
moderate of those who adhered to the old state of things, 
was accepted by Parliament, and its use was enforced by 
the Act of Uniformity. 

These changes were violently opposed by the bishops, 
who counted on Elizabeth's weakness, and on the discon- 
tent of the extreme reformers. They were 
ordered to conduct a public disputation with of P the Sltl ° n 
some divines appointed by the queen. On blsh °P s - 
refusing to continue the dispute and comply with the 
conditions prescribed to them, the chief amongst them 
were committed to the Tower. Soon after, they were de- 
prived of their sees, and successors were appointed of 
more Protestant opinions. Matthew Parker, who had 
been Anne Boleyn's chaplain, was made Archbishop of 
Canterbury. He was a man of moderate opinions, who 
held the same views as the queen on religious matters. 
He was strongly opposed to Calvinism, and held to 
Scripture, and the customs of the primitive Church. He 



48 Religious Settlement in England, a.d. 1559. 

was a man of great learning, and of strong common 
sense. The son of a tradesman in Norwich, he was 
a fair representative of the opinions and feelings of 
the middle classes. Archbishop Parker's moderation, 
caution, and good sense did much towards preserving 
the balance of parties, and establishing the English 
Church upon the broad basis of concession which so 
strongly marks it. 

Thus the Reformation was again established in Eng- 
land, and commissioners were sent through the country 
to inquire into its ecclesiastical condition, to administer 
the oath of supremacy, and see that the new laws were 
carried out. Very few of the clergy, besides the deposed 
bishops, refused to take the oath. The changes were, on 
the whole, popular and met with little opposition. 

Meanwhile, a change had taken place in the papacy. 
On the death of Paul IV., Cardinal d' Medici became 
Pope, as Pius IV. He was of a gentle and conciliatory 
nature, and his chief ambition was to see the schism 
brought to an end. He sent at once a nuncio to the 
queen, offering to approve of the Book of Common 
Prayer and of the administration of the Communion in 
both kinds, provided only the Church of England would 
again submit to the papal supremacy. But his offer came 
too late. It is impossible to say what would have been 
the resu if this offer had been made by Paul IV. ; but 
the quee i's choice had now been made, and she had de- 
termined to side with the Protestants and separate her- 
self from the alliance with Spain. The papal nuncio was 
not allowed to enter England. 

Thus the queen had taken up her position. She 

wished to retain as much as possible of the old 

ecciesiasti- traditional system of religion ; but she would 

cal system. nave none of the abuses that had resulted 

from papal supremacy and papal interference. She liked 



a.d. 1559. Elizabeth's Difficulties. 49 

the old ceremonies, and was opposed to all the in- 
novations of the Continental reformers. The system 
which she sanctioned was properly designed to include 
the more moderate of the two religious parties ; but those 
who would not accept it were to be compelled to obedi- 
ence. The queen exercised a jurisdiction in ecclesiastical 
matters, and at first appointed commissioners to see that 
the law was properly carried out. These commissioners 
grew into a permanent body, the Court of High Com- 
mission, for the trial of ecclesiastical cases, and the 
court thus instituted grew in later reigns into an instru- 
ment of serious oppression. At present, however, Pro- 
testants and Catholics alike had to obey. The Church 
of England became a national church. But it may be 
doubted whether the religious settlement under Elizabeth 
would have been so permanent, had not the events which 
followed connected it strongly with national feeling. 
Opposition to the papacy was shown to be a necessary 
safeguard of the national independence. The stirring 
events of Elizabeth's reign bound her people together, 
and demanded that they should offer a united front to 
their foes. The murmurs of the extreme Protestants 
were almost drowned in the general awakening of the 
national enthusiasm, and religious discord among the 
reformed did not assume any serious form until the more 
peaceful reign of her successor, when the reforr ;d religion 
had become endeared to the sentiments and prejudices of 
the majority of Englishmen. 

At first, however, Elizabeth's position was very dan- 
gerous. At home were numbers of discontented, both 
Catholics and Protestants. Abroad, the claims Her 
of Mary of Scotland to the English throne difficulties. 
were warmly supported by France ; and Philip of Spain, 
alarmed at Elizabeth's conduct in the matter of re- 
ligion, seemed disposed to sink his enmity with France, 

m. H. E 



50 Religions Settlement in England, a.d. 1560. 

and make common cause against her. Had France, 
Spain, and Scotland really united against England, Eliza- 
beth's throne could not have stood . But religious diffi- 
culties, which had not hitherto given these countries 
any serious trouble, began to arise, and Elizabeth knew 
how to use the opportunities thus offered her. Her policy 
was not noble nor magnanimous ; but with an impove- 
rished kingdom, a ruined navy, a feeble army, and an 
insecure position, noble policy was impossible. The 
queen was not free to follow her own inclinations even 
in the matter of her marriage. Parliament besought her 
to marry so as to settle the question of the succession to 
the throne. But it was hard for her to marry either a 
Catholic or a Protestant, without either putting herself 
at a disadvantage to Mary of Scotland, or sacrificing 
the strength of her political position. On the other 
hand, if she did not marry, Mary was looked upon 
as her successor. The Archduke Charles of Austria, 
the Earl of Arran, and Eric, king of Sweden, were 
proposed to her as husbands ; but she preferred Robert 
Darnley, Earl of Leicester. Her reason kept her inclin- 
ations in check, and prevented her from making so un- 
popular a marriage. While she wavered, she used her 
other suitors as means for raising expectations among 
the politicians of Europe. 

Similarly, in other matters, she was content to raise 
hopes and balance parties against one another. She 
strove to give the least possible and receive the largest 
possible return. She made promises take the place of 
actions. We have to trace her tortuous course through 
her intricate relations with Scotland, France, and Spain, 
and see how she managed to steer herself and England 
clear of the dangers which threatened them. 



-I 



BOOK II. 

REFORMATION IN FRANCE &* SCOTLAND. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE REFORMATION MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND 
SCOTLAND, 1540-60. 

The Reformation movement, and the difficulties which 
it raised in the politics of every kingdom, gave rise to 
-complications in France and Scotland of which Elizabeth 
took advantage to secure her own position. So long as 
a religious war did not break out in England itself, Eliza- 
beth could use the difficulties of neighbouring States for 
her own purposes. So long as England remained united 
enough to make foreign interference difficult, Elizabeth 
could balance parties, and help insurgents in the kingdoms 
of her opponents. 

In France the conflict of religious opinions threatened 
to become serious, much more serious than it had been 
in Germany. Luther's Reformation was 
conservative in principle. He wished to alter tionT*" 
as little as possible of the belief and practice France ' , 
of the old Church. While aiming at the removal of 
abuses, he was anxious to preserve the old framework. 
But in France the Reformers were not so much engaged in 
removing the abuses of the old state of things as in en- 
deavouring to discover for themselves a new system of 



52 The Reformation Movement. a.d. 1541 

life, by which each man might realise more entirely his 
own relationship to God. Hence the German Refor- 
mers did not awake such fierce opposition as did the 
Protestants in France. In Germany the Reformation 
only demanded a few modifications of the existing politi- 
cal system ; in France it called for an entire change of 
national life. The principles on which French Protes- 
tantism was founded had far deeper root in the mind 
and character of the individual than had the teaching of 
Luther and Melanchthon. But here, as in all other things, 
the deeper principles had to meet with the more bitter 
antagonism. 

Protestantism in France had made considerable pro- 
gress under Francis I., as the king himself, and his sister 
Margaret, queen of Navarre, were both in 
favour of some reforms. But when Francis 

I. failed in his political undertakings against Charles V.,. 
the intolerant spirit of his people was too strong for him 
to resist. The theologians of the College of Sorbonne, 
in the University of Paris, declared themselves violently 
for the old Church, and the popular opinion of the capi- 
tal was on their side. Francis I., though allied with 
the Protestant princes of Germany, and with the Turks 
abroad, was driven to persecute at home. Under Henry 

II. persecution was still more vigorously carried on, and 
the Protestant teachers were obliged to flee from France. 
Some of the chief of them took refuge at Geneva, a city 
in the dominions of the Duke of Savoy, among a French- 
speaking people. 

Geneva was in a state of political confusion. Its muni- 
cipality claimed the right to regulate its internal affairs y .. 
,, r but its bishop wished to assert his power 

Keforma- . i -i -r^ i r <-. i * • •> 

tion in over it, and the Duke of Savoy also desired 

Geneva. to bring it into subjection. The citizens were 

opposed to the duke and bishop, and the ideas of the 



-.1558. John Calvin. 53 

Reformers gave them a ground on which to rest their 
• opposition. Protestantism first came to Geneva through 
,the German-speaking towns of the Swiss confederates, 
where Luther's opinions had largely spread. But the 
French refugees were more in accordance with the spirit 
>jof the people, and Geneva became the centre of 
French Protestantism. Jean Chauvin, better known as 
John Calvin, a native of Picardy, acquired a great in- 
fluence over the affairs of the city. Once he was driven 
away by his enemies, but in 1541 he returned, and from 
that time Geneva was the centre of his teaching. Calvin- 
ism aimed at completely establishing the connexion of 
man with God by means of its doctrine of predestination, 
according to which the Church consisted solely of those 
who had been from the beginning predestined to sal- 
vation. Starting from this conception, Calvin organised 
the most rigorous church discipline, and enforced it by 
means of the government of the city. The greatest moral 
.strictness was exacted, and Geneva, entirely under Calvin's 
influence, became a model for all Protestant States. 

The example of Geneva naturally told most power- 
fully upon France. The Protestants increased Calvinism 
in numbers in spite of the persecutions, and in France. 
the wretched condition of the government under Henry 
II. gave them still greater weight. The king abandoned 
everything to his favourites, who urged on the persecu- 
tion as a means of gaining money for themselves. Eccle- 
siastical offices were given away as rewards for services 
done to the king, and men who had been pliant courtiers 
one day were seen officiating as bishops on the next. 
In this state of things morality was entirely on the side 
of the Protestants. They grew in numbers, so that in 1558 
they were reckoned at 400,000, and each congregation 
organised itself on the principles which Calvin had laid 
vdown at Geneva. 



54 The Reformation Movement, a.d. 1559.. 

Henry II. was alarmed at this spread of Protestantism,. 
and a desire to have his hands more free to attack it is 
Death of sa ^ to nave been one of the reasons which 
Henry ii. made him ready to conclude the peace of 
Cateau Cambresis with Philip II. (April 2, 1559). He 
published severer edicts against Protestantism, and was 
suspected of a plan to help the Duke of Savoy to conquer 
Geneva, when he was accidentally killed at a tournament 
(July 26, 1559), and a change came over the government 
of France. 

Francis II., who succeeded his father, was a boy of 
the age of sixteen, who, at the very beginning of his 
reign, gave up all his power to the bitterest 
of the enemy of the Protestants, Charles Guise,, 

Guises. Cardinal of Lorraine. He was one of the six 

sons of Claude, Duke of Guise, who had been one of the 
bravest generals of Francis L* These six sons were to 
play a most important part in French history. All of 
them were full of vigour and energy, all of them were 
staunch, we may say fanatical, Catholics, and lost 
no opportunity of carrying out their convictions. 
Francis Duke of Guise, the elder brother of the car- 
dinal, had already made himself a name in France by 
the capture of Calais. James V. of Scotland had mar- 
ried the cardinal's sister, and Mary of Scotland was his 
niece. It was through her marriage to Francis II. that 
the Cardinal of Lorraine had gained his great influence 
with the king. He was, moreover, justly popular with the 
people, — a man of commanding presence, great affability,, 
ready eloquence, unblemished moral character, unwearied 
zeal in discharging the duties of his archbishopric, and 
a high reputation for sanctity. Now that he had power 
in his hands, he set three main objects before himself, — ■- 

* See genealogical table, p. 162. 



a.d. 1542. Condition of Scotland. 55 

the suppression of Protestantism, hostility to England, 
and the establishment of the power of his own family. 

Thus it was by the Cardinal's advice that Francis II. 
and Mary assumed at once the title and arms of England. 
Mary's claims were to be asserted against Hostility to 
Elizabeth ; Protestantism was to be crushed in England. 
England as well as in France, and the influence of the 
Guises was to be supreme in both countries. 

Elizabeth knew that Philip would lend no help to 
carry out such plans as these ; but the Pope was likely 
to combine in their favour all staunch Catholics who 
were ready to move at the papal command. It was 
through Scotland that the blow against England would 
first be struck. Elizabeth's plan was to avoid it by helping 
the discontented in France and Scotland alike, so as to 
employ the cardinal's energies at home. 

We have seen the condition of France. Scotland was 
equally inflammable on the question of religion, while the 
power of the crown was much less than in State of 
France. The Scottish nobles were at the Scotland. 
head of powerful clans, and the continual border warfare 
with England had kept alive their military spirit. The 
king, on the other hand, had but small revenues, and no 
army at his command. Hence, to obtain greater power, 
the Crown had allied itself with the Church, and had been 
willing to enrich the clergy as a means of diminishing 
the importance of the nobles. The Scottish Church was 
wealthy and corrupt, and when Henry VIII. of England 
endeavoured to prevail on James V. of Scotland to join 
with him in his reforming plans, the Scottish clergy in 
alarm bought off the king's compliance, and stirred him 
up to the war with England which cost him his life 
(1542). But the suppression of the monasteries and con- 
fiscation of church property in England had wrought a 
great impression in Scotland, and the clergy felt them- 



56 The Reformation Movement. a .d. 1557 

selves insecure. Persecution awoke the most bitter 
passions, and the burning of George Wishart, one of the 
most popular of the reforming preachers, brought a ter- 
rible punishment on the persecutor. Cardinal Beaton, 
the primate, was murdered in the castle of St. Andrews 
(1546), and for fourteen months the castle was held against 
the regent. The policy, however of England towards Scot- 
land, and the disastrous battle of Pinkie (1547), compelled 
the Scots to look to France for help, and so strengthened 
the Catholic party. French troops were brought in 
greater numbers to Scotland, and in 1554 the queen- 
mother, Mary of Lorraine, sister of the Cardinal of Lor- 
raine, was made regent. 

The Scots, however, were soon impatient of French 
influence over them, and disliked the foreigners whom 
the regent put in power. They felt that though 
French in it might be useful for them to play off the 
Scotland. French against the English so as to secure 
their independence, still if they were to be dependent on 
one or the other, the English were more nearly related 
to them than the French. On one side was an alliance 
with France and Catholicism ; on the other side an alliance 
with England and Protestantism. 

Here, as in Geneva, national feeling united with re- 
ligious conviction, and Protestantism became the symbol 
of antagonism to the French dominion. In 1557 a 
powerful political party was formed of those who were in 
favour of ecclesiastical reform. It was a party which 
came together with different objects. Some were in favour 
of Protestant doctrines ; some hoped for a share of church 
lands; some wished to raise a party against French influence. 
But all combined to sign a bond, in accordance with an old 
Scottish practice, pledging themselves to work together 
for a common purpose. This bond is known as the First 
Covenant, and those who signed it agreed to demand that 



1559. 



John Knox. 57 



the English Book of Common Prayer be used in the 
•churches, and that Protestant preaching be allowed. 

For a while nothing definite was done ; but in 1558 the 
burning of an old preacher, Walter Mill, at St. Andrews, 
.aroused the Lords of the Congregation, as the „ ,. . 

. ° ° , - Religious 

signers of the Covenant now called themselves, struggles in 
They presented their demands to the regent, Scotland - 
and some time was spent in useless discussion. But the 
.hands of the Reformers were strengthened by Elizabeth's 
accession in England, and on May 2, 1559, the leading 
spirit of the Scottish Reformation, John Knox, returned to 
.Scotland. 

Knox had been born in Glasgow in the year 1505. He 
had had a good education, and had taken up Protestant- 
ism with the fire and fervour of a severe and 
stern nature. He was one of those who held 
the castle of St. Andrews after the murder of Cardinal 
Beaton, and on its capture had been sent as a prisoner to 
serve in the French galleys. After nineteen months of 
suffering, which only intensified the depth and narrow- 
ness of his convictions, he succeeded in escaping. For 
a while he lived in England, where he published a fierce 
attack upon Mary, called the ' Monstrous Regiment of 
Women/ Then he joined Calvin in Geneva, and learned 
from him the principles which he afterwards laboured to 
^enforce. It was Knox's influence which turned the Scot- 
tish Reformation from following in the steps of the Eng- 
lish movement, and impressed upon it the more rigid 
and severe form which had been thought out by Calvin. 
Knox came back to Scotland profoundly convinced of 
■the truth of his own convictions, and determined to carry 
them out at any hazard. He was keen, shrewd, and clear- 
-sighted, a man not likely to put himself or his opinions 
at the mercy of political contingencies, but determined to 
use politics for his own purposes. Those who joined him 



58 The Reformation Movement. a.d. 1559 

to gain their own ends found that he was more than 
their match. Utterly fearless, never giving way for an 
instant, not to be deterred by threats or won over by fair 
promises, he went upon his own course. He was convinced 
that to put down popery was his highest duty, and no 
feelings of sympathy for others, no restraints of decorum, 
no compassion for human weakness, was allowed to stand 
in his way. Hard, cold, and austere, yet with a grim 
humour and a rare power of clear and ready eloquence, 
he was the terror of those in power and the constant 
favourite of the people. 

Knox's influence was soon felt in the course of affairs. 
In May 1559 the regent, stirred to action by the Cardinal 
n of Lorraine, summoned the reformed clergy 

Opposition _ . ,. , , 

to the to Stirling. They came, but surrounded by so 

regent. many followers, that the regent was afraid, 

and promised that if they would disperse she would pro- 
ceed no further. They agreed ; but scarcely were they 
gone before Mary caused the preachers to be tried 
and condemned in their absence. Knox's anger broke 
out in a fierce sermon against idolatry, preached at Perth. 
The people of the town rose and destroyed the images 
in the churches, and tore down all architectural orna- 
ments which contained sculpture. The example of Perth 
was followed elsewhere, and the churches of Scotland 
were soon robbed of their old beauty. From this time 
we must date the decay of the fine ecclesiastical build- 
ings of Scotland, whose ruins still bear witness to their 
former splendour. They were not of course destroyed at 
once ; but they were stripped bare and left to moulder un- 
heeded. The stern spirit of the Scottish Reformation would 
not consent to offer the new simple worship, of which 
men's consciences approved, in the old buildings which 
had been profaned by idolatrous rites. 

The Lords of the Congregation w T ere now in open 



-1560. Elizabeth and Scotland. 59 

rebellion against the regent, and war was on the point of 
breaking out. It was, however, averted for a time by the 
mediation of a few moderate men, amongst whom was 
Lord James Stewart, an illegitimate son of the late king, 
known in later history as the Earl of Murray. Both par- 
ties agreed to lay down their arms, and submit their dis- 
putes to a meeting of the Estates of the Realm, while the 
regent promised not to molest the people of Perth, or 
garrison the town with French soldiers. She kept the 
letter only of her promise ; for she hired native troops with 
French money, and proceeded to punish the people of 
Perth. This perfidy gave strength to the Congregation. 
They again took up arms, seized Edinburgh, summoned 
a parliament, and deposed the regent (October 1559). 

This Avas a bold step ; but without help from England 
it could not be maintained. As the regent was strong in 
French troops, the Congregation must ally with , 

England. Elizabeth wished to help them ; and Scot- 
but her course was by no means clear. To ally ' 

with rebels fighting against their lawful sovereign was a 
bad example for one in Elizabeth's position to set. She 
herself had many enemies abroad who were willing 
enough to interfere in the affairs of England, and many 
of her subjects recognised her as queen only by virtue 
of her legal title, which they would be willing enough to 
set aside. Elizabeth's ministers were less cautious than 
herself; but Cecil's political wisdom was never allowed to 
act till Elizabeth had provided for her own position in 
case of failure. 

At last, in January 1560, a treaty was made at Ber- 
wick between Elizabeth and the Duke of Chatelherault, 
the second person in the Scottish realm. Elizabeth un- 
dertook to aid the Scottish lords in expelling the French, 
but would only aid them so long as they acknowledged 
their queen. 



«6o The Reformation Movement. a.d. 1560. 

And now a strange change had come over Scotland. 
The Scots were fighting side by side with the English 
against their old allies the French. Already 
against the their religious feelings had overcome their old 
French. national animosities ; or rather, religion itself 

had become a powerful element in their national spirit. 
The war, however, was for awhile indecisive. The French 
troops held the fortress of Leith, and, though blockaded 
by an English fleet, still managed to repulse the attacks 
• of their assailants. It was doubtful whether Elizabeth 
would be prevailed upon to send troops enough to secure 
success for the Scottish lords. 

But meanwhile affairs in France took a direction 
favourable to the Reformers. The Cardinal of Lorraine had 
offended the nobles by his exclusion of them 
of Am- from State affairs, and by his endeavours to 

boise ' secure all the power for his kinsmen. France 

was deeply in debt, and there were many murmurs against 
the oppressive taxes which were levied solely to further 
the family interests of the Guises in securing their hold 
on Scotland. To these grievances was added the dis- 
affection of the Protestants. The combined result of 
all these causes of discontent was a plan to seize the 
young king at Amboise, deprive the Guises of their 
power, and entrust the management of affairs to the 
next princes of the blood, the Prince of Conde and the 
King of Navarre. The king, it was urged, was only 
sixteen, and ought to be delivered from evil counsellors. 
The plan was badly carried out, and entirely failed. 
The hastily gathered troops who hurried to Amboise 
were easily repelled (March, 1560). They were called 
Huguenots, meaning apparently a crowd hastily gather- 
ing. From this time the name passed on to the French 
Protestants in general. 

But though this attempt failed, it showed the cardi- 



a.d. 1560. Troubles in France. 61 

rial how great were the dangers he had to face. The 



^^^.^ ,,^V. V^~ V^V^^ 



French troops were needed at home, and 
could no longer be spared for Scotland. The called from 
withdrawal of the French made peace neces- Scotland - 
sary in Scotland, and by the treaty of Edinburgh (July 
1560), it was provided that henceforth no foreigners 
should be employed in Scotland without the consent of 
the estates of the realm. Elizabeth's policy was rewarded' 
by a condition that Mary and Francis II. should acknow- 
ledge her queen of England, lay aside their own preten- 
sions, and no longer wear the British arms. ' Before the 
treaty was signed the queen-regent died (June 20), and 
with her the power of France and the Guises in Scotland 
was gone for the present. 

The Congregation was now .triumphant, and the work 
of Reformation was quickly carried on. A meeting of 
the Estates approved of the Geneva Confes- _, 

__..... . r i Scottish 

sion of Faith, abjured the authority 01 the Reforma- 
Pope, and forbade the administration, or pre- tl0n ' 
sence at the administration of the mass, on pain of death 
for the third offence (August 25, 1560). 

Meanwhile the Guises were powerless to prevent this. 
In France the Huguenots demanded toleration, and 
their demand had been supported by Admiral Affairs in 
Coligny. Cardinal Guise was preparing for France - 
more vigorous measures, when his plans were cut short 
by the death of the young king, at the age of seventeen 
(December 4, 1560). He was succeeded by his .brother,. 
Charles IX., a boy of ten, about whose minority there 
could be no doubt. The queen-mother, Catherine de' 
Medici, was recognised as regent, and the princes of the 
blood were called back again to the council. France 
was divided by factions, each striving for power. Cathe- 
rine was a Florentine, who had been ill-treated by her 
husband and neglected by her son, who hated the 



62 The Reformation. Movement a.d. 1561. 

Guises, and would shrink from nothing which would help 
her to get power into her own hands. Now that she had 
obtained a position in the State it seemed as though she 
were determined to avenge her former seclusion, and 

; satisfy her pent-up greed for power. Next to her was 
Antony, king of Navarre, an honest, well-meaning, 
genial man, who strongly favoured Protestantism. Against 

u both of these were the Guises, with a strong party of 
zealous Catholics, wishing for an opportunity to carry out 
their plans. 

France was on the eve of the outbreak of a war in 
which the passions of parties and factions were strangely 
mingled with religious feelings. England and Scotland 
had nothing more to fear from that side for some time to 

• come. The plans of the Guises were no longer to be 
carried on in Scotland and England by armed inter- 
ference, but by the political craft and cunning of their 
niece, Mary of Scotland, who had been trained under 
'their influence. 



CHAPTER II. 

MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS. 



Mary was left a widow at the age of eighteen ; but she 
had gained a political experience far beyond her years. 
Mary in H er French education had almost done away 

France. a n traces of her Scottish birth. She had re- 

ceived to the full the lessons of graceful refinement for 
which the French court since the times of Francis I. had 
become famous, and amongst its beautiful and brilliant 
ladies she gained a reputation as one of the most beautiful 
and most accomplished. In religion and politics she was a 
Catholic, attached to the schemes of her uncles the Guises. 
.In the atmosphere of intrigue in which she had moved, 



jl.d. 1561. Character of Mary, 63 

she had learned the arts of dissimulation. She knew how- 
to throw over her deep-laid plans a veil of charming art- 
lessness. She knew how to use for her own purposes her 
great natural gifts, and to employ her personal charms as 
a means of working out her political plans. Never has 
there been a sovereign whose public and private life have 
been so entirely mixed together. Political plans seem to 
have had no attraction for her unless they had a dash of 
personal feeling and personal adventure. The enjoyments 
of private life gave her no pleasure unless she were 
working through them upon unconscious agents towards 
the furtherance of her great ends. 

At first her character was unknown in England, and 
it was of the greatest importance to Elizabeth to know 
how far she might look on Mary as a friend. 
Her ministers in Paris urged upon Mary the comes to 
signature of the treaty of Edinburgh, acknow- Scotland - 
ledging Elizabeth as queen of England. Mary refused to 
sign this, and her address in giving excuses for her refusal 
first convinced Elizabeth of the power of the enemy with 
whom she had to do. Till the treaty was signed, Elizabeth 
refused Mary a passage through England on her return to 
Scotland. Mary showed her bravery by sailing from 
Calais to Leith, though the Channel was full of English 
cruisers. She landed safely in Scotland in the middle of 
August 1 56 1. 

The Scots received her with enthusiasm; for their chi- 
valrous feelings were awakened by the sight of their young 
queen, as she stood before them in her beauty and grace. 
To Mary, accustomed to the splendid pageantry of the 
French court, the attempts of the Scots to welcome her 
seemed rough and rude. She had left behind her all the 
graces of the French court, and had come amongst a 
rugged and proud people, to whom subserviency was 
unknown, and who were heedless of decorum. The 



64 Maty Queen of Scots. a .d. 1561.. 

common people thronged about her with easy familiarity 
as she went to Edinburgh; the nobles were rude and' 
boisterous, and cared little how they showed their respect ;, 
the queen had no royal army to meet her, no body-guard 
nor band of courtiers. 

Nothing shows more forcibly the great strength of 
mind and firmness of resolution which Mary possessed 
than does the way in which she comprehended her posi- 
tion and resolutely adapted herself to it. Though sur- 
rounded with difficulties, a young queen come to govern,, 
without any real power, a people almost strangers to her,, 
alone amongst men with whom she had no sympathies^ 
a Catholic amongst a Protestant people — still she bravely 
set her face to do the work on which she had deter- 
mined. 

Full of ambition, she had many chances before her. 
If the Catholics prevailed in France, she might rely 
Mary's on . ne ^P fr° m tnat country. If there were 

plans. any movement of Catholics in England, it 

must be in her name. If anything were to befall Eliza- 
beth, she was the next heir to the English throne. The 
future was full of possibilities. Meanwhile she must win 
the goodwill of the Scots, — perhaps she might even suc- 
ceed in winning them back to Catholicism ; anyhow she 
must have Scotland at her control as a safe starting- 
point for her further plans. 

Elizabeth could not penetrate Mary's designs ; she 
could only suspect them, and Mary's refusal to ratify the 
treaty of Edinburgh confirmed her in her suspicions. She 
felt herself checked on every side by Mary, whose 
position in Scotland was undisputed, whose 
relations to claims to England were maintained by many, 
Mary * and whose right of succession was admitted 

by almost all. Elizabeth would most probably have 
wished for a peaceable alliance with Mary, whose right 



.a.d. 1561. Elizabeth and M r ary. 65 

to the succession would then have been recognised. But 
she could not admit the right of succession until the 
claim to present possession was laid aside. Mary on 
her part would not give up an existing claim, to gain a 
doubtful benefit in the future. Meanwhile Elizabeth 
could neither admit nor reject Mary's right of succes- 
sion without injuring herself. She could not marry with- 
out putting herself at a disadvantage as compared with 
Mary. If she married a Protestant, the Catholics, being 
deprived of the hope of a Catholic successor, would be 

• drawn closer to Mary. If she married a Catholic, it would 
be distasteful to the Protestants, and she would, by such 
a marriage, sacrifice much of the independence not only 

• of her personal but of her political position. There is no" 
doubt that she wished to marry Robert Dudley, Earl of 
Leicester, the younger son of John Dudley, Earl of 
Northumberland, who had played so great a part in the 
events of Edward VI.'s reign. But she felt that she could 
not marry a subject without lowering her position in 
Europe ; it would, in fact, be preferring her own gratifi- 
cation to the nation's good. As she could not marry to 
her liking, she used her marriage projects as a means for 
diplomatic shuffling. 

So, for a few years, history seems almost to be con- 
cerned with the personal contest of these two queens ; 
for they summed up in their own persons the 
opposite tendencies of the time. They were of Elizabeth 
opposed in eager rivalry, each ready to take and Mar y- 
advantage of the other's mistakes. Both of them were 
highly gifted women ; both were ambitious and with great 
plans for the future. Mary was "more graceful, more win- 
ning, with greater subtlety and quickness. Elizabeth was 
more imperious, more cautious, with greater foresight and 
prudence. Both of them were utterly unscrupulous and 
•deceitful, ready to use any instrument in their way, and 
m.h. F 



66 Mary Queen of Scots. a.d. 1562.. 

careless of everything but the success of their plans. But 
their plans had this difference : Elizabeth was identifiedl 
in her interests with the nation over which she ruled, and 
though she might at times be capricious, yet in the end 
her sense of duty towards her people prevailed over her 
purely personal desires. She lied, and plotted, and 
quibbled ; but it was to gain, at the least possible cost to^ 
her people, some object which was for her people's good. 
Mary, on the other hand, had no sympathy with the 
Scottish character ; her ends were purely selfish, and her 
plans were simply laid for the increase of her own great- 
ness. Hence it was that she failed. In the crisis of 
her fortunes her sensual nature was too strong for her 
political cunning ; the desire for gratification at the mo- 
ment overcame the desire for future success ; she lived 
for herself alone, and sacrificed her future to her pre- 
sent. 

At first Mary's government was one of wise modera- 
tion, under the guidance of her half-brother, Lord James 
Mary's Stewart, who was created Earl of Murray. 

moderation. The queen succeeded in gaining toleration for 
her own Catholic worship, and the moderate party gradu- 
ally increased. One great reason of this was that the new 
clergy were discontented at not receiving the lands of the 
old Church. One-third of these lands went to the 
Crown for the payment of the new clergy ; but the other 
two-thirds were left in the hands of the laymen who had 
managed during the disturbances to get possession of 
them. 

Mary was not content with mere moderation. When 
the plans of the Earl of Huntley, who still headed the 
Catholics in the north of Scotland, were suspected by the 
government, Mary accompanied the Earl of Murray on 
an expedition against him (1562). She rode gaily on 
horseback, and enjoyed to the full the excitement of a 



a.d. 1562. Religions Wars in France. 67 

martial undertaking. Huntley was killed ; the power of 
his clan, that of the Gordons, was broken, and Catholi- 
cism was driven out of the north. Mary felt that her 
time was not yet come, and meanwhile she would not risk 
her future success by maintaining her principles in an 
untimely way. 

The reason for this dissimulation was, no doubt, the 
unfavourable turn which affairs had taken in France. The 
Protestants had used the dissensions between Beginning 
the queen-mother and the Guises as a means f^}ou S r ^ ars 
of bettering their own position. At a meeting in France. 
of the Estates, held at St. Germain on January 5, 1562, 
it was agreed that a legal position should be granted 
to the Protestants ; their preaching was allowed within 
certain limits, and all penalties against them were sus- 
pended. 

But though this might be a politic measure, it awoke 
most bitter feelings in the minds of the fanatical Catho- 
lics, at whose head stood Francis, Duke of Guise. Tole- 
ration was impossible when men's passions were so 
violent. Two hostile bodies could not live peaceably in 
the same land. The hatred against the Protestants 
blazed forth in the massacre by Guise's followers of a 
Huguenot congregation at Vassy, who had assembled 
under the protection of the recent edict. The massacre 
was not deliberate, but the angry soldiers rushed upon 
the defenceless crowd, and Guise approved of the deed 
(March 1, 1562). When Guise arrived in Paris he was 
received with enthusiasm by the people of the city. His 
friends gathered round him, and he was soon more popu- 
lar than the king himself. 

The Catholic feeling was stronger in France than 
Catherine had supposed. She was a politician, and 
cared nothing about religion in itself. She had tried mode- 
ration, but the Catholic party showed itself stronger and 



68 Mary Queen of Scots. a.d. 1562. 

more zealous. For the present she lent it the king's 
name. 

The object of the Catholic confederates was to revoke 
gradually the edict of toleration, beginning first with the 
chief towns. They succeeded in winning over to their 
side Antony, king of Navarre, by promises of the resto- 
ration of his kingdom, which, since 1512, had been in the 
hands of Spain. But the other head of the Huguenot party, 
Antony's brother Louis, Prince of Conde, remained true 
to his principles. Though a man of easy, careless charac- 
ter, whose life was by no means marked by Huguenot 
severity, he still believed Protestantism in the bottom of 
his heart. He did not hesitate to accept the challenge 
offered. Declaring that the queen-mother and the young 
king were kept in captivity by the Guises, he took up 
arms for their liberation. 

Conde was not strong enough, however, to wage war 
by himself. He applied to Elizabeth for help, which she 
„ . , cautiously and sparingly gave, after having 

Elizabeth , _ % v " " ° 1 & ' % 

helps the demanded as a condition the surrender of 
Huguenots. Havre-de-Grace into her hands. As before 
she had defeated the plans of the Guises by an alliance 
with the rebel nobles of Scotland, so now she would do 
her utmost to prevent the Guises from helping Mary, 
by forming an alliance with the rebellious Huguenots of 
France. 

The war centred in Normandy, and at first was un- 
favourable to the Huguenots. On December 19, 1562, 
Conde* was defeated and taken prisoner at Dreux, and 
the Duke of Guise undertook the siege of Orleans, 
the most important town which the Huguenots held. But 
fanaticism was not solely on the Catholic side. A young 
Huguenot, Poltrot de Merey, had convinced himself that 
he would be doing a deed acceptable to God if he could rid 
the earth of the persecutor of his brethren. He contrived 



a.d 1563. Pacification in France. 69 

to assassinate the Duke of Guise before Orleans, Febru- 
ary 24, 1 563. Already had the religious war in France 
awakened feelings of the bitterest kind, and swept away the 
ordinary principles which regulate the dealings between 
man and man. The violence and animosity which have 
always marked French party quarrels found in these 
religious contests their most awful expression. 

Now that Conde was in prison, and Guise was dead, 
the queen-mother again came forward to urge mode- 
ration. She patched up a reconciliation, and 
the edict of Amboise (March 19, 1563), gave inFrance° n 
the Protestants the right to worship in all I56s - 
towns where they worshipped at present, except Paris, 
which was too bigotedly Catholic to tolerate their pre- 
sence. A truce was agreed to between the two con- 
tending parties, though it clearly could not be of long 
duration. But at first the national spirit prevailed. 
Catherine was able to unite both factions for the recovery 
of Havre, which was easily won back from the English, 
and Elizabeth was compelled to make peace. 

For the next few years, however, the party of the 
Guises gradually grew stronger in France, owing partly to 
the spread of the order of the Jesuits, and in part to the 
influence of Philip II. of Spain, who dreaded the influence 
of the French Protestants upon the Netherlands. He 
was urgent that the queen-mother should join with him 
in taking common measures for the suppression of heresy. 
Catherine, who dreaded Spanish interference in France, 
refused to move from her policy of moderation. 

In proportion as the Guise influence advanced in 
France, so did Mary in Scotland begin to act more de- 
cidedly. Her marriage was a great means by 
which the Guises might increase their position of Mary's 
in Europe, and many negotiations were en- marna s e - 
tered into on the subject. First, Don Carlos, son of 



JO Mary Queen of Scots. a.d. 1565. 

Philip II., was proposed to Mar}'-; but apparently his 
father was already afraid of the ungovernable temper of 
the youth, and the match was strongly opposed by Cathe- 
rine de' Medici who intrigued to prevent it. If Mary 
had married Don Carlos, the Reformation would have 
been at once put down in Scotland, which would have 
again become the quarter from which a Catholic on- 
slaught might be made on England. When this project 
fell through, Elizabeth urged Mary's marriage with her 
own favourite, Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, and 
offered, if this marriage were contracted, to recognise 
Mary as her successor in England. But Mary knew that 
by her marriage with a Protestant and an English sub- 
ject she would have made herself for ever harmless to 
Elizabeth, and would have destroyed the political influ- 
ence of her position. 

Mary saw no chance of securing her recognition in 
England, either by agreement with Elizabeth, or by help 
from Spain. She must take her own measures, and trust 
to her own skill. She felt that she had made herself per- 
sonally popular in Scotland by her winning manners, and 
she knew that the fanatical intolerance of Knox and his 
followers had created a Catholic reaction amongst all 
the more moderate men. Mary thought that she could 
now afford to show her real colours, and therefore on 
July 29, 1 565, she married her cousin, Henry Stewart, Lord 
Darnley. 

This marriage was a blow to the Protestant party, as 
Darnley was a Catholic. Murray and his followers re- 
garded it as a menace and at once took up arms, but they 
were not joined by recruits as they had expected. They 
were powerless against the levies which the king and queen 
brought against them, and were driven to take refuge in 
England. Elizabeth also felt herself threatened by this 
marriage of Mary ; for Darnley 's mother was a grand- 



.A.D. 1565. 



Mary Queen of Scots. 



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72 Mary Queen of Scots. a.d. 1566. 

daughter of Henry VII. of England, and by taking him 
as husband, Mary had strengthened her own claim to the 
English succession. 

Mary's position was now most formidable to Elizabeth.. 
The Catholic lords were recalled in Scotland, and every- 
n , ,. where throughout Europe Catholicism began. 

Catholic . ° _ r n 1 t i 

plans in to raise its head. It was generally believed 

Scotland. t k at an understanding had been come to be- 
tween France and Spain for the suppression of Protes- 
tantism. So alarmed was Elizabeth at the general aspect 
of affairs that she received Murray in the presence of the 
French and Spanish ambassadors, scolded him for rebelling 
against his lawful sovereign, and extorted from him a 
statement, which deceived no one, that she had had no 
share in his rebellion. Mary was now triumphant. If only 
the fear of the political influence of Protestantism could. 
overcome the national jealousy of France and Spain, Mary 
hoped thixt a great Catholic expedition would soon be 
made against England in her name. 

But Mary's triumph was destined to be brief. Her 
marriage with Darnley was an unhappy one. He was 
Darnley's vain, dissolute, presumptuous, and foolish, and 
discontent. could neither help his wife by his counsels, nor 
recognise her superiority and obey. His vices outraged 
her feelings, and his conduct was restrained by no care for 
decorum. Their quarrel was notorious to all, and those* 
who were discontented with Mary began to gather round 
Darnley. Parliament was to meet in March 1566, and 
Murray and the banished lords must then either appear 
and make good their cause or be outlawed and lose their 
estates. 

Darnley then agreed to make common cause with the 
chiefs of the Protestant party. He entered into a bond to 
do his best to have Murray and the rest recalled. But he 
too was to have his own wrongs redressed ; he entered. 



a.d. 1566. Murder of Rizzio. 73 

into another bond to have ' certain privy persons cut off,, 
wicked and ungodly, not regarding her majesty's honour,, 
but seeking their own commodity, especially a stranger 
Italian called Davie.' . Darnley was seized with jealousy 
of the queen's confidential secretary, David Rizzio, who^ 
was her instrument for her secret intrigues with foreign 
powers, and who, through his late increase of importance,, 
had given himself airs which deeply offended the proud. 
Scottish nobles. Darnley thought that if Rizzio's influ- 
ence was gone, he himself would be supreme. 

So, on the evening of March 9, 1566, as Mary was 
seated in her chamber at Holyrood, with a few attend- 
ants, engaged in talk with Rizzio and Lady Murder of 
Argyle, Darnley entered, and spoke familiarly Rizzio. 
with the queen. He was soon followed by Lord Ruth- 
ven, in full armour, with pale and haggard face, since he 
had dragged himself from a bed of sickness to do this deed 
of blood. ' It would please your majesty,' he grimly said, 
' to let yonder man Davie come forth of your presence, for 
he hath been over long there.' His meaning was at once 
clear. Rizzio, in terror, seized the queen's gown. More 
armed men rushed in. Rizzio was rudely detached, and 
Mary was thrust into her husband's arms. The wretched 
Italian was dragged to the chamber door, stabbed, and 
his body thrown down stairs. When the attendants of 
the palace hurried to the spot, they were dismissed by 
Darnley, who owned the deed as his. 

On the next day Murray and the banished lords re- 
turned. Mary had heard Rizzio's fate, and saw at once 
the meaning of the plot laid against her. But her strong 
and subtle nature rose with the danger. She listened to 
Darnley's excuses and professed to forgive him. She re- 
ceived the banished lords, and pretended to be reconciled 
to them. But meanwhile she knew that the Earl of 
Huntley, and James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell, both 



74 Mary Queen of Scots. a.d. 1566. 

•devoted to her cause, had made their escape and 
were raising troops. By a bold stroke of policy she 
won over Darnley by her blandishments, managed to 
•dissociate him from his confederates, and prevailed on 
the feeble plotter to disavow his share in Rizzio's murder. 
Then, having thus secured Darnley, she fled with him 
secretly on the night of March 12, to Dunbar, where 
Bothwell joined her with the forces which he had raised. 
On March 28 Mary returned to Edinburgh, and the rebel 
lords again fled before her. Again she was restored to 
power, and the birth of a son, afterwards James I. of 
England, on June 19, added still more to the strength of 
her position. It held out the prospect of an assured line 
of succession if Mary's claim to England were recog- 
nised. When Elizabeth heard of it, she burst into tears 
at the contrast between her own solitary condition and 
her rival's growth in power. ' The Queen of Scots/ she 
exclaimed, ' is the mother of a fair son, and I am a barren 
stock.' 

But meanwhile the conduct of Darnley had made 

him contemptible to everyone. Mary did not disguise 

Rise of ner hatred for him, when once he had served 

BothweH. h er purpose of depriving the rebel lords of 

. any lawful head. His confederates, whom he had weakly 

« deserted, could no longer trust him. He had no claims 

• on the Protestants, and to the Catholics Mary was the 

natural head. He wandered about the court, despised 

by all, pouring out his complaints to anyone who would 

listen to him. Once he talked of fleeing to France, but 

was prevented, as that would have caused a scandal. 

' There was talk of a divorce between him and the queen ; 

i but this, too, would have raised unpleasant questions. 

Mary, on her part, gave all her confidence to Both- 
well, who had come to her aid at Dunbar. She gave him 
?the rich abbey lands of Melrose and Haddington, and 



a.d. 1567. Murder of Damley. 75 

conferred on him the offices of Lord High Admiral and 
Warden of the Scottish Borders. By these means he had 
Ibecome the most powerful man in the kingdom, and hav- 
ing won so much, hoped to win still more. Mary was 
greatly under his influence. After the trials and excite- 
ment she had gone through, she seems to have lost some 
of her force and power of self-reliance. She threw her- 
self upon Bothwell, and her feelings towards him became 
more and more passionate. Bothwell formed a scheme 
for marrying the queen, though she already had a husband 
•and he a wife. 

Darnley was first got rid of, but in a way so clumsy 
that it could scarcely hope to escape detection. H e had 
fceen attacked by smallpox, and was removed to Mu rder of 
Glasgow, to be tended by his father, Lennox. Damley. 
When he was somewhat recovered, the queen paid 
iiim a visit, and arranged that he should come back, 
not to Holyrood, but to a place close to the city wall, 
called Kirk-of-Field. On the evening of February 9, 
1567, the house was blown up by gunpowder while Mary 
was at a ball at Holyrood, and Darnley was found dead 
in the garden. 

Mary was now a widow, but it was at once suspected 
by everyone that Bothwell had been the author of 
Darnley's death. Mary affected to believe that it was a 
plot against herself, which she had fortunately escaped. 
But the voice of rumour could not be stilled. Placards 
were found affixed to the door ©f the Tolbooth, accusing 
Bothwell of the murder. Darnley's father, Lennox, wrote 
to the queen demanding a trial, which was at length 
granted. But Bothwell overawed the capital with his troops. 
The trial was looked upon as a prosecution instituted by 
Lennox, not by the Crown. Lennox was afraid to ven- 
ture to Edinburgh, as the queen forbade him to bring 
omore than his household servants to attend him, and he 



7 6 Mary Queen of Scots. a.d. 1567.. 

was afraid of his life. Bothwell was acquitted because- 
no prosecutor appeared, and no evidence against him was 
tendered. 

BothwelPs plans now advanced more rapidly. He 
succeeded in getting a number of the chief lords of Scot- 
Mary's land to sign a bond that they would promote 
wfthBoth- ^is man *i a ge with the queen. Then, on 
well. April 31, as the queen was returning from 
Stirling, whither she had gone to visit her child, Bothwell 
intercepted her and carried her off to his castle of Dunbar. 

There was still the difficulty in the way of Mary's 
marriage to Bothwell, that BothwelPs wife, sister of the 
Earl of Huntley, was still alive. A divorce was therefore 
necessary, and as Bothwell was a Protestant, while Mary 
was a Catholic, it was determined to make assurance 
doubly sure. In the Protestant Court of Commissaries 
BothwelPs wife sued for and obtained a divorce from her 
husband on the ground of adultery. The Consistorial 
Court of the old religion was re-established by royal 
warrant, and divorce was pronounced on the ground of 
consanguinity according to the laws of the Roman 
Church. When the divorces had thus been settled, Both- 
well, who meanwhile had been created Duke of Orkneys 
and Shetland, married Mary on May 15, 1567. 

By her marriage with Bothwell, whose guilt in regard? 
to Darnley's murder was almost universally acknowledged, 
' n _ Mary had ruined her own reputation, not only 

Results of - ' r. -i -i 1 -T- -ii 1. 

the mar- in Scotland, but in Europe generally. Eliza- 
nage. \>&?& had watched her rival sink deeper and 

deeper, till she had ceased for the time to be danger- 
ous. Mary's infatuation for Bothwell had destroyed her 
political wisdom; she had given reins to her own passions 
and had paid no heed to her great plans. By her mar- 
riage with a Protestant she had ceased to be the head of 
the Catholic party. By her marriage with a man of 



a.d. 1567. Fall of BothwelL J J 

BothwelFs character she had roused a deep feeling of dis- 
gust throughout Scotland. 

The rapid rise and overweening power of Both well filled 
the Scottish lords with alarm. Never before had they 
known what strength, the Crown might gain when allied 
to a powerful feudal house, and now they saw their in- 
dependence threatened by this union of Mary and 
Bothwell. Many of those who had signed the bond to 
aid Bothwell began to plot against him, and when Mary 
summoned the feudal levies for an expedition to the Bor- 
ders she met with no answer to her call. Alarmed, she and 
Bothwell retired to Borthwick Castle, whither they were 
soon followed by a force under Lords Morton and Home, 
who declared they had come to free Mary from the power 
of Bothwell. As Borthwick Castle could not be held 
against them Bothwell first made his escape ; afterwards 
Mary joined him, and both took refuge in Dunbar. 
The lords advanced to Edinburgh, where the Castle was 
at once surrendered to them. They issued a proclamation, 
charging Bothwell with having murdered the king, and 
entrapped Mary into an e unhonest marriage.' Bothwell 
raised his forces, and the lords marched out of Edin- 
burgh to meet him. The armies met at Musselburgh ; but 
Bothwell saw that his ranks were thinned by desertions. 
He declined a battle, and Mary surrendered herself at 
Carberry, on condition that Bothwell was allowed to 
escape (June 15, 1567). Bothwell fled to Dunbar, and 
afterwards to his duchy of Orkney ; thence he went to 
Denmark, where he died in 1577. 

Mary was brought back to Edinburgh amidst the exe- 
crations of the crowd. Banners representing the king's 
murder were waved before her eyes, and the figure of the 
young prince was represented, calling for vengeance on 
his father's murderers. Mary had by her conduct for- 
feited for ever her great position in Europe. It was 



78 Mary Queen of Scots. a.d. 1567^ 

hopeless for her, covered with shame and disgrace as* 
she now was, to expect help from France. She 
hands of her had lost all the sympathies of her people, and 
nobles. could never again make herself strong in Scot- 

land. The lords had hoped to detach her from Bothwell,.. 
and govern in her name ; but when she still clung to her 
worthless husband, she was removed from Edinburgh and 
confined in Lochleven Castle. 

Three days after this, June 20, a casket belonging, it is- 
said, to Bothwell fell into the hands of the confederate 
lords. This casket contained letters purporting to be 
addressed by Mary to Bothwell, which he had kept as a 
means of securing his influence over her. The letters 
themselves were full of the most passionate love for 
Bothwell, and were concerned with schemes for ridding 
themselves of Darnley. If these letters were genuine 
they would establish the depth of Mary's guilt and 
infamy. But the originals have been long ago destroyed, 
and it is impossible at the present day to prove conclu- 
sively whether they were genuine or were forgeries. 
There were motives enough why such letters should have 
been forged by those who wanted some convincing proofs, 
of the suspicions which they, perhaps justly, entertained.. 
At all events they were accepted as genuine and were 
acted upon by the lords at the time. The queen was treated 
as guilty of murder, and was made to sign an abdication 
of the crown in favour of her son, and a nomination of 
her half-brother Murray as regent. (July 24, 1567.) 

Henceforth Mary was no longer queen of Scotland. 
How deep her own guilt may have been is a matter of con- 
troversy ; for since her death Mary has been a symbol for 
political and religious ideas, as much almost as she was 
during her lifetime. But even if we acquit her entirely 
of the blackest crimes of which she has been accused, she 
must still be held to have sacrificed strangely the great 



a.d. 1567. Deposition of Mary, 79 

interests committed to her charge. Mary had wrought 
her own ruin, and Elizabeth had witnessed with an in- 
tense feeling of relief the hurried steps in her rival's 
downward course. England was saved from the danger 
of a Catholic restoration in Scotland and a great Catho- 
lic combination to establish Mary on the English throne. 
How pressingly near this danger was at the time of Mary's 
fall, we shall see if we consider the position of the Spanish 
power at the time. 



So The Spanish Monarchy. a.d. 1520. 



BOOK III. 
SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE SPANISH MONARCHY. 

The power exercised by Charles V. had come to him from 
different sources. He had gathered it into his hands not 
Power of because he was the representative of any great 
Charles v. political idea, but because he was the heir of 
many ruling families. Charles V. had been educated in 
Flanders under the care of his aunt, from whom he im- 
bibed the principles of the old Burgundian policy. His 
great-grandfather on his mother's side, Charles the Bold, 
Duke of Burgundy, had done his best to break down the 
power of the King of France, and had formed the plan of 
creating a separate kingdom along the Rhine, embracing 
his dominions of Burgundy and the Netherlands. His 
attempt had failed, and the French king had seized upon 
his Burgundian domains. It was the first object of 
Charles V. to recover these possessions from France. 

At first Charles began to govern in the interests of the 
Flemings ; but this was so distasteful to the Castilians 
Beginning tnat ^ provoked a serious rebellion. Charles 
of his reign. saw his mistake, and detached himself for the 
future from any special connexion with any one of the 



j 5 56. diaries V. and the Netherlands. 81 

•countries under his rule. lie governed Castile, Aragon, 
the Netherlands, Germany, Milan, Naples, Sicily, besides 
settlements in the East and in the New World. But over 
all these he ruled by a different title, and exercised a 
different power. One great object of his reign had been 
to make his power supreme in each of these his dominions, 
and to weld them together by means of a common ad- 
ministrative system. 

To a great extent Charles V. succeeded. In Castile, 
Milan, Naples and Sicily, the royal power secured its 
supremacy by pitting against one another Government 
contending parties in the old constitution, ofChariesV. 
while it made good its own position as against them 
both. In Germany we have seen that Charles V. did 
not succeed in securing the permanent supremacy of his 
own house. In the Netherlands he saw the necessity of 
behaving with moderation and of respecting the con- 
stitutional privileges of the several provinces. For the 
Netherlands were the wealthiest part of his dominions, 
.and had always been engaged in commerce. The great 
trading cities each possessed its charter, and they were 
willing to grant money only when this charter was rigidly 
respected. 

It was from the cities of the Netherlands that 
Charles V. had raised the greater part of the money that 
had enabled him to carry on his war with in the 
France. H e was too prudent to quarrel with the Netherlands. 
people of these provinces, or attempt to make any changes 
in their constitution. The government was carried on by 
means of a perpetual balance between the power of the 
prince and the rights of the provinces and cities. The 
Netherlands gave Charles money liberally ; but they as- 
serted that they would do it of their own free will, and would 
not pay an arbitrary tax. To this Charles answered that 
he would grant them liberties, but they should not haggle 

M.H G 



82 



The Spanish Monarchy. 



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84 The Spanish Monarchy. a.d. 1559. 

with him like a huckster. On this basis of the recogni- 
tion of mutual rights by prince and people, the provinces 
of the Netherlands were loyal to Charles V. ; they looked 
upon him as a native prince, for he had been brought up 
among them. 

But under Philip II. all this began to change. Philip 
had been brought up in Castile, and was Spanish in 
character, in manner, in appearance, in lan- 
made by gnage. His coldness, haughtiness, and pride 
Philip 11. vexed the Flemings ; his reserve seemed to 
them to be contemptuous. Yet they were loyal to Philip 
at first. It was the troops of the Netherlands and of 
England that won for him the decisive battle of St. 
Quentin and enabled him to make with France the Peace 
of Cateau Cambresis (1559). 

When this had been concluded Philip returned to 
Spain, which he never left again. Charles V. had not 
ruled in the interest of any one of the countries under 
his power. He had had no capital, but moved about from 
place to place according as the necessities of the times 
demanded. But Philip II. first gave to the power which 
he had inherited a fixed seat in Castile ; he founded a 
Spanish empire, with Madrid as its capital. From 
Madrid he himself would govern his dominions. The 
countries over which he ruled were to be regarded as 
provinces of Spain ; they should be cared for by Spanish 
viceroys, and be treated as members of a great adminis- 
trative system. This change in the political relations 
of the countries which formed the dominions of Philip II. 
came gradually. When once it had been made it 
was most important for the destinies of Europe. If one 
man were to wield absolutely all the resources of these 
scattered provinces, if he were to infuse into all these 
peoples the daring, fierce, fanatical spirit of the Spaniards, 
if he were to combine them to fight for Spain and 



a.d. 1559. Character of Philip II. 85 

Catholicism, the control of the future of Europe would be 
in his hands. 

Philip II. was profoundly ambitious. Like his an- 
cestors, he believed that to his house belonged the rule of 
the world. But he was obliged to adapt his character of 
method to his own individual character and Philip 11. 
capacity. He was no military leader who could inspire 
his soldiers by his presence, nor was he a vigorous and 
genial prince, whose winning and affable manners might 
create enthusiasm for his rule. But he was a diligent, 
industrious, calm, and calculating politician. The personal 
disadvantages and ill-health which prevented him from 
taking a brilliant part in the affairs of the world might, 
make him more fit to take a decisive one. Alone, in 
quietness, unswayed by the passions of combatants and 
undisturbed by the tumult of discordant advice, he might, 
as from a height of contemplation, look down upon the 
complicated affairs of Europe and shape them to his own 
ends. This was Philip's ideal of life. In the seclusion of 
his gloomy residence of the Escurial, he aimed at pulling 
the threads which were to move the course of Europe. 
From morning to night he sat alone in his cabinet and 
received the despatches which poured in from every 
quarter. All communications were carried on with him 
by writing, and he was his own chief minister. The 
despatches were read and read again, they were marked 
and underlined and analysed and commented on in their 
margin. They were laid aside and carefully weighed 
and compared laboriously with others ; their truth and 
the integrity of their writers were tested by every means 
which the ingenuity of a suspicious nature without a spark 
of affection or sympathy could suggest. At last the con- 
clusion drawn from all this careful thought and compa- 
rison of contradictory authorities slowly took shape as a 
definite plan. All was calmly and deliberately done; 



86 The Spanish Monarchy, a.d. 1559. 

when a plan was once formed it was deliberately carried 
out, and no exultation followed its success, no complaint 
its failure. Philip was an admirable and conscientious 
man of business. He set about the task of governing the 
world as though it had been a trade, and if the world 
could have been governed by the industry of a pains- 
taking clerk, Philip would have succeeded admirably. 

Philip never trusted anyone, but regarded his ministers 
as instruments for carrying out his schemes. Habitually 
reserved himself, he listened to everything that was told 
him without betraying his own feelings. Rival ministers 
poured out to him their accusations against one another ; 
he listened without being carried away. He allowed a 
plan to be carried out, but judged it solely by its success, 
and if it failed he at once abandoned its contriver. None 
of his ministers were sure of his continued favour. If he 
distrusted a man, he gave no sign of it till he had 
gradually detached him from the business in 'which he 
was employed, and had deprived him of all means of 
being harmful ; then he suddenly dismissed him. 

Philip felt that the weakness of his political position 
Was its unattractiveness and want of interest in the eyes. 
Philip's reii- °f ordinary men. This interest he secured by 
gious policy, completely identifying himself and his policy 
with the cause of Catholicism. In so doing he was no hypo- 
crite, for he was sincerely religious. But he saw the advan- 
tage to be gained by making his own interests coincide with 
those of the old religion. As the champion of Catholi- 
cism he interfered in the affairs of Europe in such a way 
that the gain of Catholicism must in every case lead to an 
increase in the power of Spain. It was for this purpose 
that he identified his government with Spain, which had 
still fresh in its memory the crusades against the Moors, 
and where Protestant opinions were regarded as a sure 
token of the taint of Jewish or Moorish blood. 



a.d. 1559. Government of the Netherlands. 87 

Thus, under Philip, Spain became enthusiastically 
•Catholic. The Castilians felt their pride gratified at see- 
ing their country made the seat of Philip's . . . 

b , ^ ■ .,,. - , r . Philip lden- 

;power, and they were willing to be taxed for its tified with 
maintenance. Their chivalrous spirit was en- Sp 3 * 11 - 
listed on the side of their religion. Round Philip's 
person, as being the champion of that religion, was 
thrown the glamour of a passionate loyalty, such as was 
far removed from the old Spanish spirit. Philip had been 
wise in identifying himself with Spain. He had obtained 
by that means, in spite ot all his disadvantages, a power 
which his father had never been able to gain. It re- 
mained for Philip to establish the spirit of Spain in the 
other parts of his dominions, especially in the Nether- 
lands. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE REVOLT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 

The country, which at the present day forms the two 
■kingdoms of Holland and Belgium, was called, from its 
geographical position, the Netherlands, or the The 
Low Countries. It consists of a large plain, Netherlands. 
formed round the mouths of the three great rivers, the 
Rhine, the Meuse, and the Scheld. During the middle ages, 
this land had belonged to many different lords, but was at 
last slowly united in the hands of the Valesian Dukes of 
Burgundy, until by the marriage of Mary, daughter of 
•Charles the Bold, to the Emperor Maximilian I., it had 
passed under the rule of the house of Austria. Charles 
V. inherited it as Maximilian's grandson. 

But still, under Charles V. ; the Netherlands did not 



88 The Revolt of 'the Netherlands, a .d. 1559. 

form one state for administrative purposes. Each of the 
Their seventeen provinces of which it was composed 

government. h ac [ it s own constitution, its own assem- 
bly of Estates, and some had their own stadtholder, or 
local governor. For common purposes general assem- 
blies were held of the Estates of all the provinces ;. 
but each province granted taxes separately, and presented 
lo the prince its own statement of grievances. Each 
province had its own charter and its own privileges, to 
which it tenaciously clung. The principle of local govern- 
ment was strong in the Netherlands, and it would ob- 
viously be no easy task for Philip to reduce them to the 
position of a province of the Spanish monarchy. The 
towns were rich, and the burghers had a strong spirit of 
independence. The nobles were numerous and warlike,men 
accustomed to high positions of confidence, many of them 
impoverished, and almost all ambitious. The question was,, 
whether Philip would manage to mould them to his wilL 
In the early part of the sixteenth century, the trade of 
the Netherlands had immensely increased. The Portu- 
Their guese discoverers, by opening a direct corn- 

prosperity, munication by sea with India and Southern 
Africa, had deprived Venice of the monopoly of trade 
with the East. Italy generally had been turned into 
the battle-field of Europe, and its commerce began 
to decay. Trade took up its abode more decidedly than 
before in the north of Europe. Antwerp became the 
great commercial capital of the world, and the Venetian 
ambassador sighed to see Venice surpassed. Everywhere 
throughout the Netherlands trade flourished and wealth 
abounded. The people lived in opulence and comfort. 
They were laborious, diligent, and ingenious. They had 
no delight in war, save as a means of securing lasting- 
peace. "They took no pleasure in martial exercises ; but on 
their holidays their 'guilds of rhetoric' delighted to* 



a.d. 1559. Opposition to Philip II. 89* 

represent some allegory, where they could set forth in visi- 
ble form some moral truth or maxim of worldly wisdom,, 
decked with all the glory of costume that art could de- 
vise and wealth supply. 

When Philip left the Netherlands in 1559, he appoint- 
ed as regent his half-sister Margaret, Duchess of Parma. 
To help her in the government was a State Council, com- 
posed mostly of native nobles ; but this was checked by 
a privy council, consisting of those whom Philip could 
trust ; and even they soon found that the regent had 
received orders to do nothing which was disapproved 
of by Antony Perrenot, generally known as Cardinal 
Granvella. Granvella was the son of the chief minister of 
Charles V., and had himself served ,the Emperor ; he 
was now bishop of Arras and was supposed to be deep in 
Philip's confidence, and entirely devoted to Philip's inte- 
rest. He was an ecclesiastic, and as such was likely to 
use all his influence to suppress the growing movement 
towards the reformed doctrines which Charles V. had in 
vain tried to keep down. 

The nobles soon found themselves neglected. William 
of Nassau, whose father had been one of Charles V.'s 
most faithful generals, and who had himself Opposition 
been a great favourite of the Emperor, found to Philip if. 
that he was subordinate to Granvella. William is gene- 
rally known by the title of Prince of Orange. He 
inherited this small principality from a cousin who 
married the heiress of Orange-Chalons, and died without 
children. Count Egmont,who had won for Philip the battle 
of St. Quentin, and Count Horn, one of the chief com- 
manders of the day, both found that Philip employed only 
Spaniards, and passed them by. The burghers felt that 
they were in danger of falling under a foreign yoke. They 
refused, according to their old liberties, to admit any 
foreigner to hold any office in the provinces. Their jea- 



90 The Revolt of the Netherlands, a.d. 1560. 

lousy was awakened by the presence of Spanish troops 
which had been levied for war against France. Before 
Philip left, the Estates demanded their withdrawal, as it 
was against their liberties to have foreign troops quar- 
tered within their borders. He promised angrily to 
withdraw them, but did his best to find excuses for keep- 
ing them there. The Zealanders threatened, that if their 
land were longer polluted by foreign troops, they would 
open their dykes and let in the ocean, rather than endure 
their hated presence. The regent was obliged to write 
and urge their withdrawal, which was reluctantly acceded 
to by Philip at the end of 1 560. 

When once popular suspicion was roused, everything 
tended to excite.it more ; and the ecclesiastical measures 
of the king soon created a ferment. The 
ciesiastical Netherlands had only three bishoprics, and 
measures. Philip had applied to the Pope to increase the 
number. A papal bull was accordingly issued, making 
three archbishops and fifteen bishops. These were to be 
endowed out of monastic property ; and in this way the 
wealth of the younger members of the noble families 
would be diminished, while the king, who was to appoint 
to the bishoprics, would greatly strengthen his political 
power, and also would have the means of putting down 
heresy more effectually. The nobles saw in this a means 
of increasing the power of the detested Granvella ; if re- 
ligious persecutions were admitted, he might attack them 
under pretext of heresy. The Inquisition, an institution 
with regular officials and courts for enquiring into cases 
of heresy, had been established in the Netherlands by 
Charles V. in 1522, and had soon committed great devas- 
tations. The persecution carried on by the inquisitors, 
already sufficiently hateful to the people, had been 
increased in rigour by an edict of Charles V. in 1550, 
and another of Philip in 1555. 



a.d. 1564. Religious Troubles. 91 

Granvella accordingly was unpopular amongst all 
classes. The nobles addressed remonstrances to the king, 
-asking for his removal, but with no effect. • 

. _ & ; ' , \ . - - , , Withdrawal 

At last several of the chief of them entered of Gran- 
into a league of defence against him. He vella ' 
was attacked in caricatures and lampoons by the people. 
The nobles, to ridicule his pomp and display, adopted 
.a livery of the plainest serge, embroidered only at the 
sleeve with a fool's cap, which might be taken also for a 
monk's cowl. This rude Flemish wit told among the 
people. Even the regent began to' tire of her subordina- 
tion to Granvella. Orange, Egmont, and Horn all with- 
drew from the State Council, saying that they were mere 
shadows there, and Granvella was the sole reality. 

At last the king was obliged to give way. He wrote 
to Granvella (February, 1564,) saying that it would be 
well for him to leave the country for a few days to visit 
his mother ; and Granvella never returned. The nobles 
were triumphant. Orange, Egmont, and Horn resumed 
their seats at the Council, resolved to carry out their own 
plans, and secure a national government for the Nether- 
lands. 

Meanwhile, however, the new bishops had been ap- 
pointed, and new ecclesiastical arrangements were being 
•carried out. Religious persecutions were . 

more rigorously conducted, and popular dis- opposition 
content had increased. The Spanish troops t0 phlll P- 
and the Spanish minister had been got rid of ; but it 
seemed that the Spanish influence would return through 
the Church, and that the authority of Philip would be 
established under cover of the maintenance of religion. 
Nobles and people alike bent their endeavours to procure 
a modification of the religious edicts ; if they could be 
•suspended, the new bishops would be politically harmless. 
Count Egmont was sent to Philip to represent the ■ state 



92 The Revolt of the Netherlands. a.d. 1566.. 

of affairs. But Philip would not yield on this point ;. 
he received Egmont kindly, and dismissed him with 
fair speeches; but he sent to the regent, ordering the 
publication of the canons which had just been passed by 
the Council of Trent, and bidding the magistrates every- 
where to help the inquisitors to put down heresy. 

The nobles were alarmed at this, the people were in a 
fury. It was suspected that an alliance had been made 
between France and Spain to crush the Protestants, and 
establish the royal power more firmly in the dominions- 
of both. A deep determination to resist the Inquisition 
spread among all classes in society, amongst patriotic 
Catholics as much as amongst the threatened Protestants. 
This feeling, early in 1566, found its expression in what 
is known as the i Compromise/ which was a bond de- 
claring the Inquisition to be ' iniquitous, contrary to all 
laws, human and divine/ The signers bound themselves 
to * extirpate and eradicate the thing in any form, as the 
mother of all iniquity and disorder.' 

The Compromise was largely signed by the lesser 

nobles and the richer merchants. The merchants es- 

. , pecially felt the pressure of the disturbed 

Commercial A ' . . x . 

effects on state of things. It is reckoned that 30,000 
England. Flemish weavers had fled to England before 
the persecution. There they were readily welcomed by 
Elizabeth. She gave them settlements in Sandwich and 
Norwich, and every Fleming so settled was obliged by law 
to employ at least one English apprentice. The English 
learned better the arts of cloth-making, silk-making, and 
dyeing, and no longer exported their wool for manufacture 
to Flanders. Instead of Antwerp sending its wares to 
England, Norwich sent out vessels laden with English 
fabrics for sale in the marts of Flanders. The Nether- 
lands began to feel acutely the result of Philip's policy of 
intolerance. 



a.d. 1566. Iconoclasm at Antwerp. 93 

The signers of the Compromise next drew up a peti- 
tion to the regent, setting forth that the Inquisition was 
likely to lead to rebellion, and begging her to Rise of < the 
suspend it until the king's pleasure could be Beggars.' 
more fully known. It was presented with great cere- 
mony, by a body of some two hundred nobles, on April 
5, 1 566. The duchess dismissed them without an answer ; 
she was much agitated, and one of her counsellors, Ber- 
laymont, exclaimed, to cheer her — ' What, madam, is it 
possible your highness can fear these beggars (gueux) ? ' 
The saying spread, and the confederates in bravado adop- 
ted the badge of a beggar's wallet, and called themselves 
6 the beggars ' (les gueux). The excitement spread 
amongst the common people, who flocked in crowds to 
hear the Protestant preachers. In the Netherlands, as 
elsewhere, Protestantism had assumed a strong political 
significance ; but in the Netherlands it did so almost at 
once, for it was associated most directly with opposition 
to the foreign oppressor. 

This popular excitement could not last long without 
finding some very definite expression. On August 18 
was the ceremony of the ' Ommegang,' or 
procession of a miraculous image of the Virgin breaking at 
at Antwerp. As the priests swept through Antwer P- 
the streets, they were greeted by the jeers of the crowd — 
6 Mayken ! Mayken ! (little Mary), ' they exclaimed, 
' your hour is come/ For the next two days there were riots 
in the cathedral ; at last the crowd was roused to fury ; 
the image was torn in pieces, and all the images and 
statues that adorned the building were pulled down. The 
example was followed in other churches, and soon spread 
to other towns. A wave of iconoclasm passed over the 
and, and the noble ecclesiastical buildings of many cities 
in the Netherlands were robbed of their richest orna- 
ments. 



94 The Revolt of the Netherlands. a.d. 1566. 

The duchess was alarmed and was on the point of 
flight. She was stayed, however, by her council, and on 
August 25 published an ' Accord/ which abolished the 
Inquisition, and allowed liberty of preaching the new 
doctrines in places where it had already been practised. 

Philip, however, was not likely to be content with 
this. He waited first for the natural reaction to follow 
on the iconoclastic riots. All moderate men 
in Philip's had been shocked by them ; all fervent Catholics, 
favour. ^d b een dismayed by this turn of affairs. 

The leading nobles had been willing enough to use 
Protestant religious feeling as a political weapon against 
Philip ; but they were not prepared to establish Protes- 
tantism. They were willing enough to bring pressure to- 
bear upon the king; but they felt they could not be 
concerned in riots, and they were not prepared for violent 
measures against . Philip. Egmont withdrew from his 
former opposition and resolved henceforward to serve 
Philip. Horn retired to his own house, determined to- 
interfere no more in political matters. The confederate 
nobles, now somewhat weary of noisy demonstration,, 
professed themselves satisfied with the Accord, and 
dissolved their bond. 

The result of this naturally was that the hands of the 
government were strengthened, and the party of opposition 
was hopelessly divided. It was not long before the 
regent took advantage of this state of feeling. The 
disturbances were everywhere checked. The city of 
Valenciennes, which had refused to admit a garrison,, 
was besieged and at last taken by Egmont, who punished 
the citizens with ruthless severity. He was determined 
to prove his loyalty to Philip, and show him that he had 
no sympathy with rebellion. The fate of Valenciennes 
was decisive for the time ; the Protestants either hastened 
to make their submission, or left the country. A new 



a.d. 1566. Philip's Counsellors. 95* 

and most stringent oath of allegiance, requiring a promise 
of unqualified obedience to the government, was imposed 
on all who held office under the Crown. It was taken by 
all the nobles, except only the Prince of Orange, who 
refused to admit this innovation upon the old constitution. 
He resigned all his offices, and withdrew from the 
Netherlands into Germany, to see what course events, 
were likely to take. 

There were in Philip II.'s privy council two men 
whose opinion most weighed with him : the p n iii p ' s 
Duke of Alva and Don Ruy Gomez de Silva, designs. 
Prince of Eboli. They were two widely different men.. 
Ruy Gomez had gained the royal favour by his, supple- 
ness and address ; he thoroughly knew his master's 
character and fell in unobtrusively with his master's 
ways ; Philip was helped in the process of thinking, 
which he found a slow one, by the forethought and con- 
siderateness of his careful minister, who seemed to 
anticipate his thoughts, yet with due deference. Alva,, 
on the other hand, was a noble of the old Spanish type, 
haughty, proud, self-asserting, who felt that his position 
was only the due reward of his merits ; he was devoted 
to the king, for only in the king's service could he 
honourably obtain glory. Between these two ministers a 
bitter opposition raged. Philip encouraged each of them 
in turn, and listened to the complaints of the one against 
the other, for he thought that in this way he would get to 
their true opinions, and so would gain the greatest amount 
of good out of both. 

About the policy to be pursued towards the Nether- 
lands these two ministers, as usual, differed. Ruy 
Gomez, as being no soldier, was in favour of pacific 
measures ; Alva, as one of the chief captains of the age,, 
advocated severe repression. He undertook, if he were 
only supplied with Spanish troops, to reduce the Nether- 



g6 The Revolt of the Netherlands. a.d. 1567. 

lands to subjection once for all, and secure that the 
Netherland taxes should flow regularly into Philip's 
coffers. The wealth of the heretics was to pay for the war 
and enrich the king as well. Philip's finances could ill 
endure the losses that came from the disturbed state of 
the Netherlands. He agreed with Alva's policy and sent 
him with an army of 10,000 veterans, the picked troops 
of Italy and Spain, to reduce the provinces to submission. 

Alva set out in May, 1567, resolved to do his work 
thoroughly. His own political credit was at stake. 
Alva sent Here was a splendid opportunity of doing the 
to the greatest possible service to the king, of vindi- 

lands. eating his own foresight, and of returning 

triumphant over his rival. He went to the Netherlands 
with full powers, and the Duchess of Parma, finding herself 
superseded, resigned her office and retired. Alva oc- 
cupied the towns with his troops. Determined to strike 
terror at once, he arrested Counts Egmont and Horn, 
and committed them to prison. He next established a 
council for the trial of offences committed during the 
recent disturbances. From its severity this council has 
won for itself the title of the < Blood Council,' and the 
number of its victims spread terror throughout the land. 
Counts Egmont and Horn were indicted on the charge 
of having stirred up a plot against the king ; they were 
found guilty and condemned to death. Neither their 
high position, their noble birth, nor their former services 
could save them from Philip's wrath. They were be- 
headed on June 5, 1568, in the great square at Brussels. 

Alva had cowed the Netherlands into submission; but 
there was still one man who talked of resistance, one 
whom Alva's power could not reach. The 
■of thePrince Prince of Orange, condemned by the Blood 
of Orange. Council with Egmont and Horn, published, 
from his retirement in Germany, a e Justification/ which 



a.d. 1568. Alva's Successes. 97 

was an indignant attack upon Philip's tyranny. A change 
had come over the character of Orange. Up to this time 
he had been an adherent of the old Church ; but his 
opinions slowly changed in exile. He became a deter- 
mined Protestant of the school of Calvin, yet with views 
of wider toleration than were common in his day. He 
now, in Philip's name, enlisted soldiers against Alva, and 
.granted a commission to his brother, Count Louis of 
Nassau, setting forth that to show his love to the king 
and to the provinces, and to maintain the privileges 
sworn to by the king, he empowered his brother to enrol 
troops. At first Count Louis obtained some advantage 
in Friesland, and hoped for assistance from the Hugue- 
nots in France. But Alva took the field against him and 
at Jemmingen the raw recruits of Count Louis fled at 
once before the veterans of Spain (July 22, 1568.). For 
•two days the fugitives were slaughtered. Count Louis 
succeeded in making his escape, but few of his soldiers 
were so fortunate ; seven Spaniards only were killed, and 
•seven thousand rebels. It seemed too clear that it was 
hopeless for the unhappy Netherlanders to think of 
resistance. But Orange was not daunted ; in September 
he entered Brabant and challenged Alva, who refused a « 
battle, but inflicted severe damage on the army of Orange, 
who, after a month's campaign, was obliged to retire 
without having effected anything. 

Again Alva was triumphant. The Netherlands lay at 
his feet. His severities were redoubled, and in the cita- 
del of Antwerp he erected a colossal statue to himself, 
for having ( extinguished sedition, chastised rebellion, re- 
stored religion, secured justice, and established peace.' 



M. H. 



98 Results of Alva's Measures. a .d. 1568. 



CHAPTER III. 

RESULTS OF ALVA'S MEASURES ON FRANCE, ENGLAND,. 
AND SCOTLAND. 

Alva's measures in the Netherlands were felt as a me- 
nace to Protestantism throughout Europe generally. If 
Philip succeeded, he would first help to put down the 
Huguenots in France, and then would turn his attention 
to England. 

In France the Huguenots were at once stirred to 
alarm by their danger. They saw that the queen-mother 
Rising of the l eant towards the Catholic party, and that 
Huguenots, the Cardinal of Lorraine again took his place 
at the Council. Troops were being raised by the govern- 
ment, ostensibly to protect the frontier, but the Hugue- 
nots suspected that they might be used against themselves. 
Determined to forestall the danger, they swiftly and se- 
cretly armed, and made an attempt to surprise the court 
at Monceaux, near Meaux, their plan being to compel the 
removal of the cardinal and the dismissal of the Swiss 
troops. The surprise failed, and the court escaped to 
Paris. The old Constable Montmorency led the royal 
army against the rebels, and after a fierce battle, in 
which he was killed, defeated them at St. Denis, Novem- 
ber 10, 1567. A German army came to their aid, and the 
king was compelled to make peace, and re-issue the edict 
of toleration in its full extent. (March, 1568.) 

But this pacification was not to last long. Alva 
urged upon the young king of France that to make con- 
cessions in matters concerning religion was beyond the 
royal power ; he was granting what belonged to God, not 
to himself. Alva's example encouraged other Catholic 



a. d. 1569. Second Religions War in France. 99 

powers. Moreover, he offered the French king aid against 
the rebels. The late rising of the Huguenots had filled 
the common people with terror of their power, and there 
was a strong feeling against them. The edict of pacifica- 
tion was revoked, on the demand of the Pope, only six 
months after it had been granted. Both parties armed, 
and the struggle which in 1568 had been carried on in the 
Netherlands was in 1569 to be carried on in France. 

The Prince of Orange and Count Louis of Nassau 
made common cause with the Huguenots ; the German 
Protestants sent them succours, and Elizabeth 

. _, , r Second re- 

Sent them money. But they were not fortunate Hgious war 

in battle ; in May they were defeated at Jarnac, ln France - 
and their leader, Conde, was slain. When in October they 
again ventured to meet the royal forces under the Duke 
of Anjou, the king's brother, they were disastrously de- 
feated at Moncontour. Still Coligny did not despair. He 
retreated in good order towards Rochelle, the district 
round which had become exclusively Protestant. It was 
vain to attempt to subdue this country. It had refused 
to recognise the legality of the act which withdrew the 
edict of tolerance, and now declared itself to be under 
the government of the young Prince of Navarre. The 
little town of St. Jean d'Angely offered a stubborn 
resistance to the royal troops, though the king himself 
was in the camp. The men of Rochelle even fitted out 
a small fleet, with which they made raids on the neigh- 
bouring coast, seized booty, and sold it for the benefit of 
the prince whom they had adopted. Coligny again raised 
an army, and threatened to march against Paris. 

The Huguenots were too strong to be put down at 
once by force, and had been well aided by 
England and the Netherlands. If the war were Germain, 
to last, it could only be by a close alliance of I57 °' 
the Catholic party with Spain. But here the old national 

H 2 



100 Results of Alva's Measures. a.d. 1567. 

jealousy stood in the way. Alva had not given such 
cordial help as was expected ; his success in the Nether- 
lands was threatening to France ; to subdue the Hugue- 
nots by Philip's assistance would be to sacrifice the 
national independence and lay open a new field to the 
boundless ambition of Spain. The court resolved on 
peace, and offered again to renew the edict of pacification. 
But as the Huguenots demanded some guarantee for 
their security, four towns were put into their hands 
for two years, amongst them Rochelle. The peace of 
St. Germain (August 1570) again restored quiet in France ; 
but it showed that, if need were, the Huguenots were 
determined to maintain their own safety by arms. 

But the presence of Alva in the Netherlands affected 
England almost as closely as it did France. It was just 
at the time of Alva's expedition that Mary of 
Mary in Scotland had exhausted the patience of her 
Scotland. subjects. The deposition and captivity of 
Mary deprived the Catholic party in England of its head. 
Mary at that time had so entirely disgraced herself in 
the eyes of Europe, that a rising in her name was not 
to be thought of. Still Elizabeth was afraid of Alva, and 
was unwilling to seem to be in league with the Scottish 
nobles, who had deposed their sovereign. She felt the 
danger of admitting their right to do so. Though 
keenly alive to the advantages she had gained from 
recent events in Scotland, she could not bring herself 
to sanction them. Perhaps she thought that Mary had 
so far discredited herself as to be henceforth harmless ; 
perhaps she thought that her restoration through English 
influence would silence her. At all events she urged 
her release upon the Scottish lords, till she was met by 
the threat that her further importunity might cost Mary 
her life. 

The nobles were resolved that Mary should not return 



a.d. 1568. Mary's Escape to England. 101 

to power. But her party gathered strength from Alva's 
successes. Before she had been in prison ^ r , 

TT ., Mary's 

a year she managed to escape to Hamilton, escape from 
and soon found herself at the head of an army P nson - 
of her adherents. Murray, though taken by surprise, 
armed also, and cut off Mary's advance to the strong 
castle of Dumbarton Rock, where she felt she would 
be secure. The two armies met at Langside on the 
Clyde (May 13, 1568). The battle is interesting, as 
showing the strange results produced by the old method 
of warfare. In front of both armies were stationed the 
heavy armed men. When they charged, the spears of both 
opposing lines stuck in the joints of each other's armour* 
The front lines were consequently fastened together, and 
the battle became a mere tussle, in which the hinder 
ranks could take no part, except by throwing stones and 
sticks over the impeding mass of mail. At last the 
battle was decided by a charge of Murray's cavalry. 
Mary's troops fled, and she herself galloped from the 
field and hurried across the Border, where she took refuge 
in Carlisle, and begged for Elizabeth's protection. 

This was a step extremely perplexing to Elizabeth and 
her advisers. What was to be done ? To restore Mary 
by force would be to alienate the Scots, and Mary in 
to establish in Scotland a hostile in place of England. 
a friendly government. To allow Mary to go to France 
would be to put a most dangerous instrument in the hands 
of the Catholic party on the Continent. To keep her 
in England was equally difficult, for Elizabeth had no 
grounds for treating her as a prisoner, and if she were at 
large she would be a centre for Catholic plots. Her pre- 
sence in the northern counties was dangerous, for there 
the Catholics were strongest. Before Mary's presence 
and the story of her misfortunes, the remembrance of her 
crimes began to fade away, and the old chivalrous spirit 



102 Results of Alva's Measures. a.d. 1568. 

revived. It was thought wise to remove her from 
Carlisle to Bolton Castle in Yorkshire. 

At first Elizabeth tried to arrange a compromise be- 
tween Mary and the Regent Murray ; but this was impos- 
Conference sible. Mary demanded that Elizabeth should 
at York. either restore her, or give her free passage to 
France. She asked for an interview. Elizabeth refused 
the interview till Mary had cleared herself of the charges 
brought against her, urging that she could not proceed to 
restore her, and so punish the rebellious lords, till she 
knew the extent of their guilt. Mary accordingly agreed 
to a conference, which was held at York towards the end of 
the year. The Duke of Norfolk, the chief Catholic peer y 
was the principal commissioner appointed by Elizabeth. 
Murray and Mary both sent their representatives ; but 
the conference led to no decided result, except that the 
evidence against Mary for the murder of Darnley, in- 
cluding the i casket letters/ was laid before the chief 
English peers. They reported to the queen that they 
had seen ' such foul matters ? as to justify her in refusing 
to give Mary an interview. On the main question nothing 
was done. Mary still remained at Bolton, and Murray 
returned to Scotland with a loan of 5,000/. from Elizabeth, 
' for the maintenance of peace between England and 
Scotland.' 

Elizabeth was still doubtful what course to pursue. 
The suppression of the Huguenots in France, and the 
Conduct of entire subjugation of the Netherlands might 
Elizabeth. arm a n Europe against her. In the face of 
this danger Cecil and the Protestants urged the queen to 
put herself at the head of Protestantism in Europe, to 
make war openly against Alva, and send back Mary to 
Scotland. The Catholic and moderate party wished for 
peace with Spain, and the recognition of Mary's claim to 
the succession in England. Elizabeth adopted a middle 



-a.d. 1569. Rising of the' North. 103 

course. She sent money to the Huguenots in France, 
and seriously crippled Alva by seizing some ships laden 
with money for the pay of his soldiers, which had been 
driven by bad weather into Southampton and Ply- 
mouth (December 1568). Alva was furious, and seized 
all English ships and property in the Netherlands. 
Elizabeth retaliated on the Spaniards in England. She 
pleaded that the money belonged to Genoese bankers, 
not to Alva; it had come into her hands, and she had 
borrowed it instead of him. Philip, desirous of settling 
matters in the Netherlands before engaging with England, 
.allowed the affront to pass by. 

Similarly, Elizabeth hoped that the documents laid 
before her commissioners would destroy in their minds 
any doubts they might feel about Mary's Norfolk • 
•detention. But in this she was mistaken. and Mary. 
The Duke of Norfolk had formed the scheme of marrying 
Mary; and many who, from political reasons, were 
opposed to Cecil, and were in favour of a conciliatory 
policy towards Mary and Spain, promised him their 
assistance. Elizabeth, however, discovered the plan 
too soon. Norfolk was committed for a short time to 
the Tower, and his confederates, amongst whom was 
Leicester, were for a while disgraced. 

Mary was indeed a dangerous captive. Her partisans 
had waited to see if this powerful political coalition would 
succeed ; but when they saw that it had failed Rebellion 
and that Cecil's watchfulness was not to be °l th( i 

N orthern 

eluded, they had recourse to arms. The Earls. 
Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland headed a 
premature rising in the north. They demanded the 
restoration of the old religion and the dismissal of the 
queen's upstart advisers. They advanced to Durham, 
celebrated the mass once more in the cathedral, and 
tore the English Bible in pieces before the people. But 



104 Results of Alva's Measures, a.d. 1569,. 

their triumph was brief. The Catholic gentry were not 
yet prepared to turn rebels, and the aid expected from the 
Duke of Alva never came. The Earl of Sussex kept 
them occupied in the north till he was joined by rein- 
forcements from the southern counties. When at length 
he was strong enough to proceed against them, the rebeL 
army dispersed. Westmoreland fled to the Netherlands, 
where he ended his days miserably in the receipt of a 
small pension from Philip. Northumberland took refuge 
in Scotland, where he was taken prisoner by Murray, and 
at last given up to the English government and executed 
at York. 

The rebellion was easily put down, and severely 
punished. The queen had been thoroughly frightened,, 
and her terror showed itself in revenge. Sussex 
in its complained that he was left in the north ' but 

suppression. tQ direct hanging matters.' In every little 
village the insurgents were sought out and executed. As 
yet Elizabeth had been merciful ; but as the great conflict 
of her reign deepened around her, mercy gave way before 
desperate endeavours. 

Still, the end of the year 1569 showed Elizabeth to 
be strong in her hold upon her people. The long- 
threatened Catholic rebellion had failed to shake her 
position. Alva had not yet felt himself strong enough to 
help her rebels. Philip, in spite of an outrageous affront^ 
was not prepared for war. There was nothing to fear 
from France ; for the French dread of Spain was tending 
to bring England and France nearer together, and a 
French marriage was even proposed to Elizabeth. 



a.d. 1570. Excommunication of Elizabeth. 105, 



CHAPTER IV. 

STRUGGLE OF CATHOLICISM AND PROTESTANTISM, 
1570-1572. 

One great reason of the failure of the rising in England 
had been that the Catholics, as a body, did not join it.. 
Their allegiance was as yet due to their queen, and they 
did not feel that their religion called upon them to take 
part in a rebellion. This feeling, however, was soon to 
be disturbed. Open and avowed hostility between 
Catholicism and Protestantism was to be introduced into 
England also. 

Pope Pius V., Michele Ghislieri, had been a Dominican- 
inquisitor before his elevation to the papacy. Austere, zea- 
lous and determined, he devoted all his ener- ,. , , 

, . e , TT , , . Elizabeth 

gies to the suppression of heresy. Under his excommu- 
rule the Inquisition crushed out Protestantism nlcated - 
in Italy. Though a man of fervent piety and blameless life, 
he shrunk from no measures which were likely to put down 
the schism. He rejoiced over Alva's cruelties in the 
Netherlands, and sent him a sword and cap which he had 
blessed, as a token of his favour. A man of this kind was 
not likely to leave the English Catholics doubtful of their 
duties. He proceeded to the excommunication of Eliza- 
beth; but he did it secretly that he might not be prevented 
by the remonstrances of France and Spain. In May 1570 
the bull of excommunication was found fixed on the door of 
the Bishop of London's house, and a student of Lincoln's 
Inn, by name Felton, paid with his life for his rash act. 

This excommunication was felt by Elizabeth and her 
ministers to be a declaration of war ; it was resented by 
the mass of the English people as an act of aggression. . 



Moreover, fears for the queen's life had been awakened 
Affairs in ^Y re cent events in Scotland. The Catholic 
Scotland. party had there roused itself for a desperate 
effort, and had hoped, if the Regent Murray were 
removed, to succeed once more in gaining power. James 
Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh undertook Murray's assas- 
sination, and shot him from the balcony of a house in 
Linlithgow, as he was making a state entry into the 
town, January 23, 1570. The result was anarchy in 
Scotland, where for the next few years a civil war raged 
between the queen's party and the adherents of the king. 
In England the Parliament which met in 1571 pro- 
ceeded to pass bills declaring it high treason to call the 
„ , „ queen a heretic, or to affirm that anyone 

England's H . . 9 _ J 

answer to particular person was her successor, or to 
the Pope. publish any bull from the Pope. A bill was 
even introduced to compel all above a certain age to 
receive the Communion according to the established 
service ; but this was withdrawn after a discussion. The 
Catholic attack upon England had called forth severe 
reprisals. England entered upon a course of persecution, 
not, however, of religious opinions as such, but because 
•of their political consequences. Conformity to the Estab- 
lished Church was rigidly required from all ; and while 
Parliament passed laws against the Catholics, the High 
•Commission Court, under the presidency of Archbishop 
Parker, demanded from the Puritans obedience to the 
•established ceremonies. 

The religious struggle was not long in breaking out 
again. The old plan of the liberation of Mary, her 
Ridoifi's marriage with the Duke of Norfolk, and of the 
P lot - restoration of Catholicism was again revived. 

But this time it was seen that the aid of foreign powers 
was necessary for its success. Ridolfi, a Florentine, who 
had long resided in England, was sent to confer with the 



a.d. 1572. Ridolfls Plot, 107 

Duke of Alva, Philip II., and the Pope. Philip II. 
-warmly entered into the scheme. The Pope declared 
himself ready to sell even the chalices from his churches 
for such a worthy object. It was agreed that Alva was 
to send 10,000 men to help the conspirators. But Ridolh* 
-was too dull a plotter to escape the vigilance of Lord 
Burleigh, by which title Sir William Cecil was now 
.known. A suspicious packet of papers was seized. 
Norfolk's secretary was imprisoned and confessed, and 
the whole plot was discovered. Mary's ambassador in 
England, the Bishop of Ross, was thrown into the Tower, 
and the Spanish ambassador was dismissed from England. 
Norfolk was brought to trial before his brother peers, 
was found guilty of treason and condemned to death. 
It was some time before Elizabeth could be brought to 
consent to the execution of the chief nobleman in the 
kingdom ; but at last she gave way, and Norfolk was 
beheaded, June 2, 1572. 

The rising of 1569 had failed, because it was confined 
within too narrow limits and had not appealed to the 
Catholic world. Now a great plot in which all the chief 
Catholic powers were to have taken part was stopped 
before it could come to a head. Philip II. did not 
venture to resent his ambassador's dismissal. The queen 
only became dearer to her people as they saw the efforts 
directed against her. 

Meanwhile in France the dread of the encroachments 
of Spain had been increased. The combined France and 
fleets of Venice, the Pope, and Philip II. had England. 
won a brilliant victory at Lepanto over the Turks, and 
a new course of aggrandisement seemed open to Philip. 
France drew nearer to England, and proposals were 
made for a marriage between Elizabeth and the Duke of 
Anjou, the younger brother of Charles IX. The nego- 
tiations gave Elizabeth an opportunity for the display of 



108 Struggle of Catholicism, &c. a.d. 1572.. 

her vacillation and her delight in mystifying those around 
her. The marriage was not popular in England, and all 
talk of it was laid aside for a while in consequence of the- 
events of 1572 in France. 

In that country peace with the Huguenots and jealousy 

of Spain had become, both of them, parts of the royal 

policy. The young king, Charles IX., was of 

Government F i • . «• . r -ij J • 

of Charles weak intelligence, yet of a wild and passionate 
IX ' nature. His education had been neglected 

owing to his feeble health, and he was unable to give 
serious attention to the affairs of state. He was entirely 
under the influence of his mother, Catharine de' Medici, 
who ruled in his name. Catharine was the daughter of 
Catharine tne man to whom Machiavelli had dedicated 
cie^ Medici, the ' Prince/ and she was well skilled in all 
the arts of dissimulation. After living powerless at court 
during her husband's lifetime, she was determined to 
satisfy her desire for power when her time came. Yet: 
her title to power was very precarious. She was a stranger 
by birth ; she represented no great national interest, nc* 
political party ; she was supported by no great family,, 
and awoke no enthusiasm amongst the common people. 
Yet when she once had power in her hands she devoted 
all her energies to keep it. About the great questions 
which at that time agitated France, she was entirely 
indifferent ; but she was willing to play off one party 
against the other so as to maintain herself in power. Tall, 
and of strong, commanding appearance, she exercised 
great influence over those who were around her. She: 
had a powerful nature, which could adapt itself to any 
circumstances. She had great quickness of mind and 
penetration. She knew well how to conciliate opponents, 
and how to satisfy them without committing herself to- 
definite promises. She trusted no one, and no one trusted 
her. She preferred to be regarded as a peacemaker and 



a.d. i57 2 - Gaspard de Coligny. 109 

mediator between the contending parties in France ; but 
would hesitate at nothing to rid herself of one who was 
likely to disturb her position. 

Hence she had opposed the Guises, and had been 
a foe to Mary of Scotland. Over Charles IX. her rule 
seemed absolute, and she was determined to maintain it 
at any cost. But she saw this rule over her son's mind 
suddenly threatened. Charles IX. became jealous of 
the fame gained by his younger brother, the Duke of 
Anjou, who had been the leader of the victorious Catho- 
lics at the battle of Moncontour. The populace of Paris 
was distinguished by its bitter hatred of the Hugue- 
nots, whose chief opponent was always the popular hero 
of the capital. Charles IX. was alarmed at his brother's 
superior position ; he was afraid of some plot against 
himself. Stung to a sudden energy, he determined to 
gain glory himself also. For this end he would make 
common cause with the Huguenots, and wage; war 
against Spain. 

The head of the Huguenot party was also the most 
famous general in France, and was in French history at 
this age the one prominent man who rose above 
the level of intrigue, fanaticism, and self-seek- 
ing into a higher region of lofty self-devotion. Gaspard 
de Coligny was sprung from an old Burgundian family, 
and was in early life distinguished as a soldier. He knew 
every branch of the soldier's trade, and to courage and 
coolness united a capacity for discipline and military 
organisation. He had undertaken the hopeless task of 
defending St. Ouentin against Philip's army ; he had 
undertaken it though he knew it to be hopeless, and 
knew that his reputation would sufTer through the failure. 
He was taken prisoner in the battle, and during his 
imprisonment a change came over his religious opinions, 



no Struggle of Catholicism, &c. a.d. 1572. 

and he adopted the faith of Calvin. When the religious 
wars began in France, Coligny fully appreciated the mo- 
mentous importance of the issue involved. He counted 
the cost, and gave himself unreservedly to the con- 
flict. He asked his wife if she had the courage to face 
dangers, misfortunes, exile, and, if need were, death, — if 
she were prepared to ruin the future of her children for 
the sake of her religious convictions. His wife, as heroic 
as her husband, bade him go forth upon the path of duty 
without fear for her. In this spirit Coligny entered upon 
the strife. His mind was not under the sway of fierce pas- 
sion, or desire for power, or thirst for fame. Sternly and 
sadly he undertook a sacred duty, which he carried out 
without being elevated by success or cast down by 
failure. Through evil report and good report he went 
upon his solitary way. His calm prudence and com- 
manding temper enforced obedience upon his party, 
which respected and obeyed rather than loved him. High 
above the fierce passions, the mean intrigues, the unscru- 
pulous self-seeking, which distinguished France in his 
age, his figure rises as the one man endowed with a noble 
purpose, who felt laid upon him a mighty weight of duty, 
which he must carry unflinchingly to the end. 

Such was the man with whom Charles IX. now found 
himself brought into connexion. Coligny had so strong a 
Coiigny's belief in the possibility of a reconciliation be- 
plans. tween the two contending parties, that he went 

himself to the court to urge his views more decidedly. He 
endeavoured to fan the king's dread of Philip II., and 
prevail on him to declare war against Spain, — a step 
which "must aid greatly the struggling cause of Protes- 
tantism in the Netherlands. 

In that country Alva's savage measures had failed of 
complete success. He flattered himself at the end of 1569 



a.d. 1572. Alvcts Taxation. in 

that he had put down heresy and had reduced the pro- 
vinces to obedience. It only remained for him , , 
to carry out the rest of his promise, to make the tion of the 
provinces pay for the trouble they had given, Netherlands.. 
and make them contribute largely to the royal resources 
for the future. For this purpose he devised a new scheme 
of taxation. Instead of grants of money being made by 
the states to their prince according to their sympathy 
with the purposes for which he proposed to use it, they 
were henceforth to pay according to a regular system. A 
tax of the twentieth penny (five per cent.) was to be paid 
every time real property changed hands ; and a tax of 
the tenth penny (ten per cent.) was to be paid on alL 
personal property or merchandise every time it was sold.. 

Alva was a soldier and not a financier, or he would 
have known that these measures would involve the entire 
ruin of the commerce of the Netherlands. An active 
trading people, made liable to this tax of ten per cent, 
on every sale, would necessarily be unable to manu- 
facture and sell any article at the same price as formerly. 
Instead of being the great merchants of Europe, they 
would be unable to compete with other countries whose 
productions were not subject to this heavy tax. Alva's, 
endeavour to increase the royal income by extorting 
money from the Netherlands would really result in a 
diminution of the capital sum on which the taxes must 
be levied, and would ruin the people without enriching 
the king. 

Men who had stood by Alva and applauded him in 
his severe measures against heresy now rose in opposition 
against him. Loud outcries were raised in Madrid. In 
the Netherlands trade was at a standstill, and men shut 
their shops rather than submit to the tax. Universal 
discontent and deep hatred towards Alva prevailed 
amongst the whole mass of the people. 



112 Struggle of Catholicism, &c. a.d. 1572. 

In this state of feeling it required very little to rouse 

. . the people to resistance. A sudden raid of 

oftheNe- a band of Netherlandish outlaws laid the 

.therianders. foundation of the memorable revolt of the 

Netherlands. 

Among those who had left the Netherlands rather 

than submit to Alva, many were accustomed to the sea. 

, . These now, seizing upon vessels, cruised as 

Foundation . '. , r t 

of the United pirates in the Channel, professing to make 
Netherlands. war on A j va - m ^ name f Orange. Hardy, 

brave, nd cruel adventurers, they inflicted much 
••damage on the Spanish ships, and found in England 
a ready market for their booty. Alva, in the beginning 
of 1572, remonstrated with Elizabeth on the shelter 
which she gave to these freebooters, who were at that 
time lying in some of the southern ports of England. 
Elizabeth, wishing to be conciliatory in a little matter, sent 
-orders that the Netherland pirates were no longer to be 
supplied with provisions. Forced by hunger, the little 
fleet of twenty-four ships, under the command of a rude 
Flemish noble, William de la Marck, set sail from Eng- 
land for a foray. They were driven by stress of weather 
to enter the mouth of the Meuse, and came opposite the 
city of Brill. More in bravado than with any serious ex- 
pectation of success, this handful of men, not more than 
250, sent a message demanding the.surrender of Brill. A 
panic seized the magistrates and citizens ; they fled and 
left their fortified city to the * water beggars,' who took 
possession of the city in the name of the Prince of Orange, 
stadtholder of the king. 

The failure of an attempt to regain Brill for the 
Spaniards gave additional courage to the Netherlanders. 
Flushing was the first to expel its Spanish government. 
The example was followed by all the chief cities of Holland 
and Zeeland, and many of the cities of Gelderland, Ober- 




landort: Zorupnarvs &. Co. 



JSdw* Weller 



a. d. 15 72. Revolt of the Netherlands. 113 

yssel, and Friesland. By the middle of 1572 a large por- 
tion of the Netherlands was in open revolt against Alva. 

Meanwhile Count Louis of Nassau had been busy 
in France, where he enlisted the sympathies of the 
Huguenots, who sent out forces under Genlis 
to aid him in a bold scheme which he had totheNe- 
formed, of surprising Mons, the chief city of therlands - 
Hainault. His surprise was successful, and Alva saw 
himself assailed on two sides. In the north the land was 
in rebellion ; in the south a rising was being promoted by 
French help. When it was too late he abolished his tax 
of the tenth penny. The revolt had now taken shape. 
Representatives of the Estates of Holland met at Dort 
in July, and recognised the Prince of Orange as the 
king's lawful stadtholder in Holland, Zeeland, Friesland, 
and Utrecht. There was no talk of throwing off their 
allegiance to Philip II. ; but against the despotic system 
of government introduced by Alva they set up their old 
constitution. The Prince of Orange had been appointed 
by Philip stadtholder of Holland in 1569 ; him they 
would follow in maintaining their lawful privileges against 
tyrannical governors. The revolt of the Netherlands 
was not directed against Philip's legitimate authority, but 
against the arbitrary use of his authority to introduce con- 
stitutional changes to which the Estates had never agreed. 

Alva's first step was to send his son, Don Frederic 
de Toledo, to besiege Mons, which .uld not be defended 
unless speedy reinforcements arrived. Genlis had hurried 
to France to raise fresh troops, but was defeated by Don 
Frederic outside Mons, and few of his reinforcements 
reached the city. Still Count Louis hoped for greater suc- 
cours, and the fate of Mons depended on Coligny's influence 
over the French king. 



M.H. 



H4 St. Bartholomew s Day. a.d. 1572. 



CHAPTER V. 



Coligny had cast over Charles IX. the spell of his 
powerful mind, and the king inclined more and more 
Plot against to n * s VIQW °f war with Spain in the Nether- 
Coiigny. lands. But the queen-mother was alarmed 
at Coligny's power ; if he were to succeed, her influence 
over the king would be gone for ever. She made com- 
mon cause with the Catholic party, resolved that at any 
cost Coligny's plans should fail. She joined with the 
widow of the murdered Francis, Duke of Guise, and the 
two women plotted Coligny's assassination. A gentleman 
attached to the house of Guise, Maurevert, shot at 
Coligny (August 22) as he was slowly entering his house 
engaged in reading a letter. The shot was fired from the 
window of a house opposite ; it wounded Coligny in the 
arm, but the wounds were not dangerous. It was clear 
that an enquiry would be made into the attempted assas- 
sination. 

Catharine was not a woman to shrink from carrying 
out a scheme she had undertaken. Coligny must be got 
rid of, and the king must be rescued once for all from his 
influence. His wounds gave him greater hold upon the 
king's sympathies. The Huguenots gathered round him 
demanding vengeance. They were prepared to go in 
a body to the king, and denounce the Duke of Guise as 
the assassin ; they muttered threats of what they would 
do if they failed to obtain redress. Men's passions had 
grown fiercer. The populace of Paris prepared themselves 
10 defend the Guises against an attack of the Huguenots. 






a. d. 1 5 72. Scheme of Massacre. 115 

The Huguenots stood sullenly opposed to the excited 
populace amongst whom they lived. 

Coligny had striven for the reconciliation of the two 
parties ; of this the marriage of Henry the young King 
of Navarre, with Margaret of Valois, the „ . 

-r- ii-i • /a n\ 1 -i 1 Pans and 

French king's sister (August 18) had been the Hugue- 
regarded as the pledge. The Prince of nots# 
Navarre, after his father's death, had become the titular 
head of the Huguenot party. His marriage with Margaret 
was to bring the two parties together, and the Huguenots 
had streamed into Paris to be present at the festival, and 
make a demonstration of their power. The people of 
Paris had received them with silent threats. They them- 
selves were fanatically Catholic, and saw with hatred 
Coligny enter the city and take his place at the royal 
council by the side of Henry of Anjou and Henry of 
Guise. The attempted assassination of Coligny awoke 
all the deepest passions of both parties. Catholics and 
Protestants alike began to gather apprehensively round 
their chiefs. 

In this excited state of popular feeling Catharine and 
the Guises saw their safety. The king was perplexed at 
finding that his mother was privy to the at- Schemes of 
tempt on Coligny's life. She repeated to him massacre, 
exaggerations of the wild words and threats uttered by 
the Huguenots. She showed him their armed bands in 
the streets, and asked if a royal army could be raised to 
meet them. She warned him that soon the royal power 
would pass entirely into the hands of Coligny. She 
•stirred up the king's feeble mind to alarm, and then 
suggested to him the way out of the difficulty. All the 
chiefs of the Huguenots were in Paris, caught as in a 
net. It only needed a word from the king to arm the 
people of Paris against them, and rid himself of his 
enemies at one stroke. 

1 2 



n6 St. Bartholomew s Day. a.d. 1572. 

The scheme was not premeditated, nor had the 
Huguenots been deliberately invited to the capital to 
be massacred. Perhaps old plans of a general massacre 
for the suppression of Protestantism, which had been 
suggested in former times by Philip II., recurred to> 
Catharine's mind. But the plan in itself arose to her 
Italian brain as a possible means of extricating herself 
from her present difficulties. To rid himself of his enemies 
at one blow was a device sometimes adopted with success 
by an Italian tyrant in his small state. Catharine believed 
it possible in France. At first Charles IX. shrunk with 
horror from the proposal. Catharine reasoned in its- 
favour as an act of policy, appealed to Charles's affec- 
tion by declaring that her life was no longer safe in 
Paris, and at last taunted the feeble youth with want of 
courage. Charles was stung by his mother's taunt. He 
gave his assent to the plan, and when once his assent 
had been given he hurried on with feverish excite- 
ment. 

Early in the morning of St. Bartholomew's Day, 
Sunday, August 24, the massacre began ; it was known in 
after days by the bitter name of the ' Paris 
mew's Day, Matins.' The Duke of Guise himself super- 
Aug.24,1572. intended the murder of Coligny ; the corpse 
was thrown out of the window into the courtyard where 
Guise stood. All the Huguenot chiefs, except only the 
two princes, Navarre and Conde, were put to death.. 
On every side the bells rang ; and the populace in the 
king's name stormed and robbed the houses of the 
Huguenots and murdered their masters, who were 
entirely taken by surprise. It was a night of horror. 
Private revenge and personal hatred ran riot under the 
protection of the royal authority ; religious fanaticism 
sheltered itself under the name of patriotism. A terrible 
fury had seized the people. For years they had been 



a.d. 1572. Effects of the Massaci'e. 117 

disturbed and disquieted by Huguenot rebellion : it 
needed but a few sharp hours of determined action, 
and these disturbers of their peace would be got rid 
of for ever. 

The fury spread quickly from town to town. The royal 
orders were everywhere acted upon, and for days the 
massacre went on. It is difficult to estimate „_ 

Effects 

the number of victims ; the calculations of the 
vary between 25,000 and 100,000 in the massacre - 
whole of the kingdom. In the excitement of the act, 
its terrible significance was not regarded by those con- 
cerned. The king rejoiced that at last he had acted de- 
cidedly and had become a king indeed. Catharine thought 
that she had freed herself from her enemies and had 
wrought a good deed for her country at the same time. 
The Catholic powers exulted over this victory of Catho- 
licism. Gregory XIII., who had but lately become Pope, 
ordered a ' Te Deum ? to be sung in honour of the event, 
and went in solemn procession to be present at the 
thanksgiving. Philip forgot his usual severity of manner, 
and laughed for joy. No doubt the atrocity of the deed 
was not known at first. It was believed that a plot of 
the Huguenots had been discovered, that their designs 
had been anticipated, and that they had met with the 
punishment that was their due. In England only was 
the moral bearing of the massacre at once perceived ; a 
shudder went through the land at the thought that a 
king should arm one part of his people against another. 
The French ambassador was long refused an audience of 
the queen ; and when at last he was admitted, he was 
received in solemn silence by the queen and court, who 
were all dressed in mourning. 

In the Netherlands the events which we have been 
relating produced the most disastrous results. The 
patriots saw themselves cut off from any hope of French 



n8 St. Bartholomews Day. a. d. 15 72. 

help. Orange, who was advancing to the relief of Mons,.. 
was driven back into Holland, and Mons was 
the Nether- compelled to surrender. The rebellion was 
lands. crushed in the southern provinces; and the 

Spanish troops, by their atrocities, exacted a terrible 
revenge. Alva sent orders that every town which refused 
to admit a garrison should be besieged, and all its- 
inhabitants be put to death. At Mechlin, Zutphen, and: 
Naarden, these orders were almost literally carried out.. 
Alva was consistent in his policy of crushing rebellion by 
the example of terrible severity. 

But the men of Holland and Zeeland were not to be 
crushed without making an effort, and a struggle now 
began which has made the name of Holland memorable. 
It was a struggle conducted on both sides with desperate 
bravery and determined daring. Marvels of force and 
cruelty attract our attention as much as marvels of 
patriotism and self-devotion. The Spanish soldiers were 
unequalled in Europe ; they were devoted to their leader 
and zealous for the Catholic cause ; they fought with as 
much desperation and fury as did the burghers, whose 
only hope of life lay in their courage. The struggle which 
now began is marked by matchless deeds of valour on-i 
both sides. 

An attempt on the part of the patriots to obtain 
possession of the town of Goes, in South Beveland, 
Siege of l e d to a wonderful exploit on the part of the 

Goes. Spaniards. South Beveland is an island lying 

off the mouth of the Scheld. It had once formed part of 
the mainland, but the sea in a heavy storm had dashed 
away the dykes, and now ran in a channel, ten miles broad 
at its narrowest part, between South Beveland and the 
shore of which it had once formed part. Goes was 
invested by the patriots, and the Spaniards were cut off 
by the fleet of the Zeelanders from sending reinforcements. 



a. d. 1573. Siege of Haarlem. 119 

Determined not to lose the town, they formed the bold 
undertaking of wading along a narrow causeway on 
the ' Drowned land/ as it was called. The water on 
this narrow causeway was four feet deep at low tide, and 
rose with the tide ten feet. It was a terrible hazard for 
the band of 3,000 men who undertook this journey of ten 
miles by night with the water reaching up to their 
shoulders. A few false steps and they would be lost ; if 
they failed to accomplish their task in six hours, the rising 
tide would sweep them away. Yet such was the disci- 
plined precision of the Spanish soldiers, that of the three 
thousand only nine were lost on the way. The rest 
reached Beveland in safety, and Goes was saved. 

The siege of Haarlem is again famous for the desperate 
courage of the patriots. When summoned to admit a 
Spanish garrison, the men of Haarlem deter- siege of 
mined to resist. Their fortifications were Haarlem, 
weak ; their garrison was only 4,000 men, while Don 
Frederic de Toledo led against them 30,000 veterans. 
Yet for seven months they kept the Spaniards at bay, and 
only yielded at last to famine. Three hundred women 
armed themselves and fought in a regular corps. Assaults 
upon the city were repelled by the determination of the 
citizens, who poured boiling oil and blazing pitch on their 
assailants. Women and children worked day and night 
to repair the breaches in the walls. When it was found 
hopeless to take the city by assault, the Spaniards tried 
to undermine the walls. The citizens made countermines, 
and sometimes the opposing parties would meet under- 
ground and engage in savage contest. But the valour ot 
the men of Haarlem could not hold out against famine. 
On July 12, 1573, the city surrendered. Its garrison 
was butchered, and the city was left a heap of ruins. 
Alkmaar was next attacked; but the patriots resolved 
that the dykes should be broken down and the country 



120 St. Bartholomew 's Day. a .d. 1573. 

round be swallowed up by the waters of the sea, rather 
than that Alkmaar should fall into the enemy's hands. 
The Spaniards, discovering this resolution, retired in 
dismay ; they had come to fight against men, not against 
the ocean. 

Thus, at the end of 1573, it was clear that Alva's 
severity, so far from having broken the spirit of the 
Alva retires Netherlander, had only stirred them up to 
Ne3ier- e ^e most stubborn resistance. For seven years 
lands. Alva had tried his utmost ; he was weary of 

his task, and Philip was convinced of the failure of his 
measures. He was consequently allowed to return to 
Spain, where soon after, on a slight pretext, he and his 
son were imprisoned; nor was Alva restored to favour 
till his military talents were required for an expedition 
against Portugal. 

In the Netherlands a more pacific policy was 
adopted by Alva's successor, Don Luis de Requesens, 
who was governor for the next three years, 1573-6. 

In France the result of the massacre of St. Bartho- 
lomew's had not been quite so decisive as the fanatics 
Results of w ^° k a( ^ en g a g e d in it had hoped. The moral 
the massacre horror of the deed dawned upon the minds of its 
thoiomew's actors. Charles IX. was haunted in his dreams 
Day ' by the terrible remembrance of that night ; he 

sprung from his bed in terror ; and to the excited minds 
of those around him the air seemed to be filled with 
groans and shrieks. Even in the camp, men thought 
they saw the dice thrown by Henry of Guise stain the 
table with a mark of blood. 

Moreover, the general policy of France had been con- 
tradicted by this massacre, and when men's feelings settled 
down, it was seen to have been a mistake. Spain was the 
leader of the Catholic world ; and France could not 
hope to dispute that leadership with Spain. By the mas- 



a.d. 1574- Death of Charles IX. 121 

sacre France had lost her moderating position between 
the two parties. All dealings with the Netherlander s 
were broken off. The negotiations for the marriage of 
Elizabeth with the Duke of Anjou were stopped. The 
Huguenots still held out against the royal troops in their 
cities of Rochelle, Nismes, and Sancerre. It was in vain 
that these cities were besieged ; they defended themselves 
with desperate heroism. Though many of the Huguenots 
had been massacred, and many had changed their religion 
through terror, still there remained too many to be put 
down by force. Moreover the Poles were thinking of 
the election of the Duke of Anjou to their throne ; but if 
Anjou were to become king of Poland, he must declare 
himself willing to mediate between the two religious 
parties, and to allow religious freedom. For all these 
reasons the old policy of pacification again won the 
upper hand in France. In July 1573 free exercise of 
religion was granted to the towns of Rochelle, Mon- 
tauban, Nismes, and Sancerre. 

The Huguenots obtained peace for a while ; and the 
discords at court soon strengthened their hands. The 
youngest brother of the king, the Duke of D eath f 
Alencon, openly opposed his mother. In the Charles IX. 
dissensions and quarrels that followed, a new party 
gradually gained ground. It was composed of men who 
for political reasons wished to maintain the edicts of 
toleration, and so to allow the fury of religious passions to 
settle for awhile. In this distracted state of things Charles 
IX. died, in May 1574. His brother hastened to leave his 
Polish kingdom, from which he fled secretly, as he was 
afraid the Poles might put hindrances in his way, and 
succeeded in France as Henry III. 

The next few years are free from any decisive events 
in Europe generally. The first outburst of the great com- 
motions which mark the reign of Elizabeth had subsided. 



122 vSV. Bartholomeztf s Day. a .d. 1574. 

Things had begun somewhat to find their level. At first 
all was doubtful and uncertain. The chief 
ummary. aC |- ors h a d t wa tch eagerly for indications 
which way fortune was likely to turn. It had seemed 
that the chances were greatly against Protestantism and 
Elizabeth. Elizabeth had never ventured to ally her- 
self definitely with the Protestant cause. She had no 
rational hope that the Netherlands would give Philip so 
much trouble, or the Huguenots so long make head in 
France. Year by year Elizabeth's throne grew stronger. 
The failure of the rising in the north, and then of the 
Ridolfi plot, showed that she was firm upon her seat* 
England had been growing more united, more de- 
cided, more adventurous. A bold and eager national 
spirit had been growing up amongst the people. From 
the year 1572 to 1576 the country was quiet and secure. 
When again England came forward, it was no longer 
uncertain of its position or its destiny, but was prepared 
for a struggle with Spain which should determine the 
future of both countries, and should decide the fate of 
Protestantism in Europe. 



123 



BOOK IV. 
HOME GOVERNMENT OF ELIZABETH. 



CHAPTER I. 

ELIZABETH AND HOME AFFAIRS. 

The events of the beginning of Elizabeth's reign succeeded 
one another in such quick succession, that in tracing 
them up to this point we have seen Elizabeth . ~ 

,..*,„., i -, Elizabeth 

only as a politician. We have seen how, by a as a poii- 
cautious though often tortuous policy, she had tlcian " 
managed to preserve her own interests and those of 
England from foreign attack, and at the same time had 
fostered at home a feeling of national unity. 

In the full light which has lately been thrown upon 
the events of this time, it is easy enough to find fault with 
Elizabeth's policy, to show how selfish and ungenerous 
it was, to upbraid her with indifference to the great inte- 
rests of Protestantism in general. But it must be re- 
membered that England, when Elizabeth ascended the- 
throne, was not in a position to interfere decisively in 
the affairs of Europe. Its entire population barely 
reached five millions. The queen's revenues amounted 
to no more than 500,000/. a year. The treasury was in 



124 Elizabeth and Home Affairs. 

debt ; the coinage was debased. Commerce was lan- 
guishing ; the people were poor ; there was a danger 
that religious difficulties would cause a civil war. It is 
scarcely reasonable to demand from Elizabeth a bold 
policy under such circumstances. She was compelled to 
husband the country's resources, to avoid war, to play 
Her off her enemies against one another. She 

■economy. learnt an economy which soon became 
habitual to her and degenerated into stinginess. She 
took care to get from all around her as much as she 
could in the way of presents, and to make the scantiest 
returns. She sold her help to the Huguenots and to the 
Netherlanders at the highest rate she could. When 
Leicester died, the man for whom she felt as much affec- 
tion as she was capable of, she dried her tears, and or- 
dered that his goods should be seized in payment of 
money she had lent him. 

So, too, she learned to gain her ends by swagger, by 
threats, by underhand means, by subterfuges, by bare- 
Her deceit- faced nes if these were convenient. It may be 
fulness. allowed that a cautious policy was necessary 

for Elizabeth ; but no excuse can be urged for her un- 
blushing deceit. She took to diplomacy with a woman's 
thoroughness and a woman's wilfulness. Acting with 
perfect seriousness, she often by her falseness produced a 
ridiculous caricature. She told lies that deceived no one. 
In both her letters and speeches she wrapped up her 
meaning in ambiguous phrases and complicated sen- 
tences, which it was impossible to understand with any 
precision. She gave orders in such a way that she might 
disavow them if she pleased. She liked her ministers 
to act without definite orders, sometimes on their own 
responsibility, and then to bear the consequences if the 
scheme failed. 

She was averse to war, partly because it cost money, 



Elizabeth's Peace Policy. 125 

with which she grieved to part ; partly because war broke 
off the opportunities for diplomacy in which Her love of ~ 
she thought that she excelled. But her mo- P eace - . 
tive was very greatly a generous feeling for her people, 
and a true instinct for the national wants. i No war, my 
lords/ she would often exclaim at the council, striking 
the table with her fist, ' no war ; ' and this resolve of 
hers often checked the great schemes of her more as- 
piring ministers, and enabled England to grow into its 
necessary strength. She felt no sympathy for the Nether- 
landers in their struggle with Philip ; their misery in no- 
way appealed to her generosity. She drew out of their 
misfortunes all the commercial advantages she could to 
England. She only sent them aid when she was afraid 
they would cease to resist, and so make Philip too power- 
ful. She never expected for a moment that they would 
make good their position as against Philip. She advised 
them to make peace with Philip, and could not under- 
stand their persistence about religious freedom ; nor did 
she approve of subjects refusing to obey their prince in 
such matters. She was even ready to help Philip against 
them if she could gain thereby an advantageous settle- 
ment of England's difficulties with Spain. 

Elizabeth was indeed incapable of generous sympathy 
with a revolt against religious persecution ; for she was 
not herself a woman of deep religious convic- Her reli- 
tions. She was a Protestant chiefly because it £ 10US views - 
was impossible for the daughter of Anne Boleyn to take 
her place in Europe as a Catholic sovereign. But though 
she was a Protestant she hated Puritanism, because she 
felt that the utterances of such a man as John Knox were 
widely opposed to her own ideas of a sovereign's position 
and power. She wished to see a religious system prevail 
which should rob Catholicism and Puritanism alike of 
heir fanaticism, yet should be a genuine expression of 



% 26 Elizabeth and Home Affairs. 

ithe religious feeling of the people at large. She was an- 
noyed at any attempts to alter the established ceremonies 
in either of the extreme directions, and was always ready 
to administer a corrective. When Puritanism seemed to 
~be growing too strong, she set up a crucifix in her chapel 
and lit the candles upon the altar. When the Dean of 
St. Paul's thought to please her by putting on her cushion 
a richly illuminated Prayer Book, she frowned and put it 
from her, and scolded the dean soundly when service was 
over. 

It was, however, very difficult for her to maintain the 
moderate character which she desired to give to the Estab- 
. lished Church. The clergy, who almost allre- 

of the Eng- tained their benefices in spite of the religious 
iish Church, changes made at Elizabeth's accession, were, as 
a body, inclined to the old religion. The most high-minded 
amongst them had resigned their benefices rather than 
submit ; those who remained were the least zealous. 
The lower clergy did not number many men of educa- 
tion ; the country parishes were even sometimes handed 
over to the care of one who had been the squire's butler, 
or who deserved a pension from him for some service. 
It was difficult with such men as these to establish the 
new rites on an orderly footing ; and the queen was often 
angered by the news of some disorders. The marriage 
of the clergy especially, being a shock at first to the cur- 
rent popular sentiment on the subject, gave rise to many 
scandals. The clergy married unfit wives, and were not 
scrupulous how they provided for them. The church 
vestments and other possessions were sometimes seen 
turned into ornaments for the clergymen's wives. This 
was especially a scandal in the case of cathedral chapters 
"which had been under monastic discipline. The queen 
forbade any member of a college or cathedral to have 
iris wife living within the precincts. She disliked the 



Religions Policy. 127 

marriage of the clergy, and refused to rescind the law- 
prohibiting it which had been passed in Mary's reign. 
The marriage of the clergy was connived at, but not 
legalised ; and when the queen paid a visit to Archbishop 
Parker she took leave of Mrs. Parker, saying, ' Madam I 
may not call you ; mistress I am loth to call you ; but 
I thank you for your cheer.' 

The ecclesiastical difficulties of Elizabeth's position 
made themselves, more and more distinctly felt as her 
reign went on. At first the idea of separa- „ 

. - , , ■_ - Persecution 

ting from the national Church was not one of the 
which suggested itself. Though the Catholics Catholics - 
•objected to Elizabeth's changes, they did not at first with- 
draw themselves entirely from the Church services. But 
as the conflict between the two religions became more 
definite, no further concessions could be made on 
either side. The Catholics, though they might not be 
openly disloyal, were still suspected of desiring the acces- 
sion of Mary of Scotland ; and after the bull of Pope 
Pius V. against Elizabeth, and the Ridolfi plot, the 
laws against Catholicism were made more severe, and 
were more rigorously carried out. 

Even as against Catholicism, Protestantism in England 
did not present an undivided front. The Puritan party 
submitted as little as did the Catholics to the The Puri _ 
ecclesiastical observances which had been tans - 
established. They objected that much remained which 
savoured of superstition. They tried to assert their right 
to disobedience. But irregularities in the conduct of the 
Church services seemed to the queen to be intolerable. 
Conformity in the use of the surplice was required by 
Archbishop Parker, and those clergymen who refused to 
comply were suspended from their livings. They soon 
began to form conventicles, which w r ere suppressed by 
law (1567). The Puritans, in opposition to the law, 



128 Elizabeth and Home Affairs. 

began to form themselves into the sects of Protestant 
Dissenters in England. 

The great questions of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
century were religious questions. The difficulty was how 
r to maintain the old political system, when the 

Condition of , . - . , . _ , , , 

ecciesiasti- old ecclesiastical system, which had been so 
cai questions. c i ose i y connected with it, was overthrown. The 
reign of Elizabeth shows us how the old system, now 
everywhere conscious of its danger, was making efforts to 
reassert its ascendancy. These efforts were repelled at 
first by the care and caution, afterwards by the vigour and 
energy, of England. But when England had made good 
its own position against foes outside, there remained for 
Elizabeth's successors the 'adjustment of the limits between 
the old political system, as yet but slightly modified, and 
the new ecclesiastical ideas. This adjustment was hard 
to make, when the idea of tolerance was equally far from 
all contending parties. Elizabeth ought not to be too 
severely found fault with as a persecutor, if, at a time when 
the nation was going through a fierce struggle for its 
existence, she demanded a definite basis of unity. The 
state adapted the old ecclesiastical system, with the fewest 
possible changes, to the new ecclesiastical ideas, and 
demanded after this measure of reform the same uncon- 
ditional obedience as before. Those who were content 
with the old state of things, and those who wished for 
further change, were both of them to be reduced to a 
common measure. The change that had passed over 
England was not to cause division. She must still 
offer to her enemies, at a time when ecclesiastical matters 
were the chief matters of politics, an undivided front. 
On the one hand there was to be no breach with the old 
system of European politics ; on the other hand there 
was to be freedom from all that was most degrading and 
weakening in the old state of things. 



Elizabeth and the Bishops.' 129 

These were the views of Elizabeth and her advisers ; 
but they did not and could not know the strength of the 
forces against which they were contending. Not till after 
the struggles of more than two centuries was it seen that 
there are in man convictions too strong to be curbed by 
motives of political expediency. 

Elizabeth's ecclesiastical system was not a permanent 
solution of the questions raised by the Reformation. She 
would neither broaden the basis of the Esta- _,. , , 

Elizabeth 

blished Church, nor would she allow the and the 
formation of independent sects outside it. She bls ops * 
left to her successors the task of solving the difficulties 
which this policy had wrought. For herself she was de- 
termined to keep the clergy in order by means of the 
bishops. Grindal, who succeeded Parker as Archbishop 
of Canterbury (1575), found to his cost that the royal 
supremacy was not a mere empty name. The queen was 
alarmed at the growth of a custom of clerical meetings, 
* prophesyings/ as they were called. These meetings 
were meant for discussion, and for practice in readiness 
of speech, that the clergy might be trained to preaching. 
The queen, however, did not approve of preaching — to 
read the Homilies was enough. She did not like clerical 
discussions in the existing condition of religious opinion. 
She ordered the bishops to put down these prophesyings 
When Archbishop Grindal refused to interfere he was 
suspended from his office, and for five years was not 
allowed to exercise his functions. 

Nor did the queen in other matters show to her 
bishops the respect which she demanded for them from 
others. She would keep bishoprics vacant, and appro- 
priate their revenues to her own purposes ; often she 
would detach a manor from their possessions in the in- 
terest of a favourite. When the Bishop of Ely showed 
some reluctance to abandon to Sir Christopher Hatton 

M. H. K 



1 30 Elizabeth and Home Affairs. 

the gardens of Ely House, the queen wrote him a pe- 
remptory letter — * Proud . prelate, I understand that you. 
are backward in complying with your agreement ; but I 
would have you know that I who made you what you are 
can unmake you ; and if you do not forthwith fulfil your 
engagement I will immediately unfrock you. Yours, as 
you demean yourself — Elizabeth/ On another occa- 
sion, when the Bishop of London preached before the 
queen a sermon on the vanity of dress, the queen told 
her ladies 'if the bishop held more discourse on such 
matters she would soon fit him for heaven ; but he should 
walk thither without a staff and leave his mantle behind 
him.' 

Elizabeth, however, acted wisely in the measures which, 
she took for the restoration of commerce and prosperity 
English within her country. The reign of Elizabeth 

commerce. i s the epoch from which dates the naval and 
commercial greatness of England, and the queen's care 
and attention contributed in no slight degree to this 
result. One of the earliest measures of her reign was the 
restoration of the coinage, which had been so debased 
by her predecessors that it was worth only one-third 
of its. nominal value. To call in the debased coinage 
and melt it down, and to issue a new coinage whose worth 
should correspond to its intrinsic value, was no easy task 
for an impoverished exchequer. Yet it was accomplished 
without causing much hardship, and when it had been 
done, English merchants could again carry on their 
business with foreign countries. 

The most important branch of English commerce 
had always been the woollen trade with Flanders. Eng- 
lish cloth was exported to the Flemish marts, and there 
sold to merchants from the rest of Europe. Twice every 
year the Company of Merchant Adventurers fitted out a 
fleet of fifty or sixty ships to convey their goods to the 



English Commerce. 131 

Netherlands. It is computed that about 100,000 pieces 
of cloth were shipped thither annually. 

In 1553 a number of merchants and nobles equipped 
three ships to explore a northern passage to India. Two 
of them were lost in the ice ; but the third, commanded 
by Richard Chancellor, made its way to Archangel, and 
laid the foundation of the trade with Russia. In 1557 
came an ambassador from the Emperor of Muscovy. 
The Merchant Adventurers rode forth to meet him in 
procession, dressed in velvet, with chains of gold around 
their necks,, that they might impress the Muscovite with 
their wealth, and so make his countrymen desirous of 
trading with them. 

The increasing importance of English commerce was 
shown in 1560 by the building of the Royal Exchange. 
Sir Thomas Gresham, a wealthy merchant who had lived 
long in Flanders, contrasted the splendour of The R ! 
the Flemish traders with the discomfort of Exchange. 
London, where all business had to be done by merchants 
standing, in all weathers, on the narrow pavement of 
Lombard Street. He accordingly erected a brick build- 
ing, with a quadrangle inside, round which, on the ground 
floor was an arched colonnade supported on marble 
pillars, where the merchants might walk. Below were 
vaults for merchandize, and on the first floor were shops, 
from the rent of which Gresham hoped to reimburse him- 
self. The Exchange was visited in state by Elizabeth, who 
was so pleased with it that c she caused it by an herald and 
a trumpet to be proclaimed the Royal Exchange, and so 
to be called from thenceforth, and not otherwise.' 

Commerce, however, is not a thing which it lies in 
the power of princes to develop by patronage, though they 

may help it by their general policy. Elizabeth 

a * i t? 1 >i • u a S P read of 

managed to keep England in peace when the English 

rest of Europe was involved in war. More- commerce - 

over her rule was economical, and the taxes were net 



132 Elizabeth; her Court and Ministers. 

oppressive. England under her was relieved from its 
public debt, and its capital found occupation in trade 
at a time when the commerce of the Netherlands was 
checked by internal disturbances. 

A spirit of naval adventure took deep root among all 
classes, and may be seen especially in the voyages of Sir 
Humphrey Gilbert and Martin Frobisher in quest of a 
north-west passage to the fabulous region of Cathay. The 
perils of the Arctic regions were experienced first by 
English seamen, and the line of investigation then opened 
out has ever remained peculiar to English enterprise. 



CHAPTER II. 

ELIZABETH ; HER COURT AND MINISTERS. 

The wisdom of Elizabeth was shown in nothing so 
strongly as in her sagacity in the choice of ministers and 
Lord her power of using men for her own purposes. 

Burleigh. The name most closely connected with Eliza- 
beth's government is that of William Cecil, Lord Bur- 
leigh. First as secretary, afterwards as lord-treasurer, 
he was a member of the council, and always exercised 
the chief influence on the affairs of state. In those 
days the sovereign was his own prime minister, and 
his confidential advisers were chosen at his own will. 
Throughout the whole of Elizabeth's reign Burleigh con- 
tinued to be her chief minister. His advice was not always 
followed by the queen, and he had many opponents who 
never ceased to intrigue against him ; but he was the man 
who did most in moulding England's policy, and he 
retained the queen's favour till his death. 

William Cecil was born in 1520, and began a poli- 
tical career under Henry VIII. Under Edward VI. he 



L ord Burleigh. 133 

was made secretary through the patronage of the Duke of 
Somerset. He lost his place when his patron fell, but 
regained court favour by drawing the articles of impeach- 
ment against him. He was restored to office in 1550, 
and contrived to keep himself so far free from any con- 
nexion with Northumberland's plot that he received 
from Mary a general pardon. He lost his office as 
secretary, but lived in peace and conformed to the 
Catholic religion. He attached himself secretly and 
cautiously to the Princess Elizabeth, and gave her wise 
counsels to help her in the difficult position in which she 
was placed. When Elizabeth came to the throne, she at 
once marked her sense of CeciPs merit by appointing 
him a member of her council. ( This judgment/ she 
said to him, ' I have of you : that you will not be corrupted 
with any gift, and that you will be faithful to the state ; 
and that, without respect of my private will, you will give 
me that counsel that you think best.' 

Cecil was not heroic, nor had he any elevation of 
character ; but his wary, cautious, compromising, sensible 
character commanded Elizabeth's admiration, because it 
coincided so well with her own. Elizabeth was partly 
conscious that her own caprices, or alarms, or fancies 
occasionally impelled her to acts of folly against her 
better judgment. Cecil's calm and deliberate wisdom 
seemed to her to be the expression of her own higher 
self. She treated him often as men treat their conscience 
when it reminds them of unpleasant truths. She browbeat 
him, and abused him, and contradicted him ; she over- 
whelmed him with reproaches, so that he often left her 
presence in tears. But she always thought over his 
advice, and often, after a struggle, allowed it to prevail 
over her own inclinations. She did not entirely adopt 
Burleigh's policy, which was in favour of open opposition 
to Spain and earnest support to the Protestant cause in 



1 34 Elizabeth ; her Court and Ministers, 

Europe. Elizabeth was more cautious in this than her 
cautious minister. She never forgot that her counsellors 
were, after all, the heads of parties, with their own 
interests to serve, while to her belonged the care of the 
interests of her kingdom as a whole. It could not be but 
that Burleigh should wish to separate England from the 
Catholic powers, and make the succession of Mary of 
Scotland impossible ; for Mary's accession would certainly 
mean his own ruin. Elizabeth was not so clear about the 
question of the succession ; and she knew that the fear 
of Mary was the strongest bond to attach her ministers 
loyally to herself. 

Cecil's chief ally was his friend and brother-in-law, 
Sir Nicolas Bacon, the lord keeper, who by his second 
Sir Nicolas w ^ e was father of the illustrious Francis Bacon. 
Bacon. More serious and thoughtful than Cecil, he 

contributed steadfastness and dignity to his friend's shifty 
policy. ' He was a plain man,' says his son Francis ; 
6 direct and constant, without all finesse and doubleness, 
and one that was of a mind that a man should rest upon 
the soundness and strength of his own courses, and 
not upon practice to circumvent others.' His motto, 
6 Mediocria firma,' showed his sound common sense. 
When Elizabeth once remarked that his house was too 
small for him, < No, madam,' he answered, 'but you have 
made me too big for my house.' He was a man of 
literary tastes and of refined mind. In the garden of his 
house at Gorhambury was built a room dedicated to the 
Seven Sciences ; its walls were adorned with an allegorical 
figure of each science, surrounded by portraits of her most 
eminent followers. 

We may take Cecil and Bacon as the chief repre- 
sentatives of the statesmen who clustered round Elizabeth, 
Elizabeth's and were recommended to their mistress by 
favourites. their wisdom and ability. But Elizabeth's 
political advisers found their difficulties greatly increased 



Elizabetlis Favourites. 135 

by the power of favourites who were merely courtiers, 
and owed their influence with the queen to their per- 
sonal qualities rather than their political wisdom. Eliza- 
beth was fond of magnificence and display. She never 
appeared in public without a splendid band of fol- 
lowers. Her body of ' gentlemen pensioners' con- 
tained all the young men of the noblest families in 
England. Sir John Holies says that he did not know 
among the number a worse man than himself; and 
he was possessor of an estate worth 4,000/. a year. The 
nobles of England flocked to Elizabeth's court, and were 
proud to be in attendance upon her. Besides her love of 
display, she was also glad to strengthen her own position 
by the personal tie which thus grew up between the 
nobility and herself. 

Thus her courtiers necessarily had great influence 
with the queen ; and her favourites from time to time had 
great political power. The fact that the queen was un- 
married tinged all their relations towards her with a dash 
of gallantry. There was in those days no conventional 
bar to the marriage of an English queen and an English 
noble. The leading favourite approached Elizabeth with 
a mixture of a lover's familiarity and a subject's obedience. 
Elizabeth's personal feelings were strong. From political 
motives she refused to marry ; but she keenly felt the 
loneliness of her position and never ceased to long for 
intense personal attachment. She demanded of her 
favourites that they should devote themselves to her, as 
she had devoted herself to her conception of England's 
interest. Their marriages she regarded as so many insults 
to herself. Giving her affections as a woman she imposed 
restrictions as a queen, and was continually discovering, 
with grief and anger, that her favourites only behaved as 
lovers in her presence, and gave to her as queen the devo- 
tion which she longed for as a woman. 

The first of these favourites, who occupied the chief 



136 Elizabeth; her Court and Ministers. 

place in the queen's affections until his death in 1588, was 
The Earl of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester. He was 
Leicester. t h e son f j h n Dudley, Duke of Northum- 
berland, and is said to have been born on the same day 
and the same hour as Elizabeth. Recommended by his 
fine personal appearance and elegant manners, he rose 
at once in her favour. He was bold, ambitious, and in- 
triguing ; but his policy was directed only by self-interest, 
and the queen's partiality for him gave a weight to his 
counsels which they did not deserve. He was the great 
opponent of Cecil ; for he regarded Cecil as an obstacle 
to his entire power over the queen. It is certain that 
Elizabeth would gladly have married him, if she could 
have done so with prudence or even with safety. Leicester 
put himself at the head of the Puritan party, mainly 
as a means of political power against Cecil. He was 
a man destitute of religious principles, and a notorious 
profligate. He was unpopular, owing to his arro- 
gance, and the blackest stories were told and believed 
against him. He was popularly believed to have rid 
himself of his first wife, Amy Robsart, at the time when 
there was most probability of his marriage with the 
queen. In a book called < Leicester's Commonwealth,' 
supposed to have been written by the Jesuit Parsons, he 
is accused of every kind of murder and assassination. 
Certainly many of his enemies died most opportunely for 
his plans. So great was his influence with the queen 
that she forgave him even his second marriage with the 
Countess of Essex in 1578. In her rage she at first 
threatened to imprison him in the Tower, and was with 
difficulty restrained from making this public display of 
her feelings. Yet he had become so necessary to her that 
he was soon restored to her favour. 

Still Leicester's power was by no means unlimited. The 
queen's proud spirit could not brook the idea of dependence 



Elizabeth's Court. 1 37 

on any man. When it came to the point, Elizabeth would 
be roused and act for herself. One day an usher refused 
admittance to the queen's presence to a follower of 
Leicester's who had no privilege of admission. Leicester 
threatened the usher with dismissal; whereupon the man 
stepped before him, and kneeling before the queen told 
her the story, and, asked whether Leicester were king, or 
her majesty queen. ' My lord/ she exclaimed, ' I have 
wished you well, but my favour is not so locked up for 
you that others shall not partake thereof; for I have 
many servants, to whom I have, and will at my pleasure, 
bequeath my favour, and likewise resume the same ; and 
if you think to rule here, I will take a course to see you 
forthcoming. I will have here but one mistress and no 
master.' i These words/ adds Naunton, ' so quelled my 
Lord of Leicester, that his feigned humility was long after 
one of his best virtues.' 

Leicester was not the only courtier who owed his 
position solely to the royal favour. Christopher Hatton, 
a young student of the Inns of Court, attracted the 
queen's attention by his elegant dancing at 
a masque. He left the study of law and Christopher 
became a courtier. In due time he was Hatton - 
rewarded by no less an office than that of lord chan- 
cellor. The lawyers were disgusted ; but Hatton was a 
prudent and an upright man. He used the assistance of 
learned assessors in the discharge of his legal duties, and 
filled his high office with credit. He was the only one of 
the queen's favourites who died unmarried : but the 
queen's conduct to him was capricious ; she became 
tired of him, and he is said to have died of chagrin. 

Thus Elizabeth's court was a scene of wild adventure. 
Every young man who could gain admission Elizabeth's 
there might hope to win the queen's attention court - 
and secure his own fortunes. Every kind of merit might 



138 Elizabeth ; her Court and Ministers. 

hope for recognition from a sovereign who could equally 
appreciate literature, bravery, and elegant accomplish- 
ments. The queen's favour, however, had not only to be 
won, but also to be maintained against all rivals. The 
adventurous spirit which animated English sailors to 
perilous voyages in the New World, found occupation at 
home in more nimble feats of dexterity, in climbing the 
steep ascent to royal favour and defending the passes to 
that perilous height. Spenser describes the courtier's 
position with vigorous bitterness of feeling : 

Full little knowest thou, that hast not tride, 
What hell it is in suing long to bide : 
To lose good days, that might be better spent ; 
To waste long nights in pensive discontent ; 
To speed to-day, to be put back to-morrow ; 
To feed on hope, to pine with feare and sorrow ; 
To fret thy soul with crosses and with cares ; 
To eate thy heart through comfortlesse dispaires : 
To fawne, to crouche, to waite, to ride, to ronne, 
To spend, to give, to want, to be undonne. 

Elizabeth was fond of making magnificent public 
appearances, surrounded by the ladies and gentlemen of 
w , t , her court in their most splendid attire. Some- 

Ehzabeths 1 1 -. , 

magni- times she went on horseback, sometimes borne 

licence. - R a n ttev on t h e shoulders of her chiefest 

nobles. But most often did she go along the only broad 
highway of London, the royal barge with its rich drapery 
heading a long procession of attendant boats on the 
Thames. Sometimes she went with curious pomp, ( a 
thousand men in harness with shirts of mail and corselets 
and morice-pikes, and ten great pieces carried through 
the city, with drums and trumpets sounding, and two 
morrice dancings, and in a cart two white bears.' 

Elizabeth thoroughly enjoyed the pleasures of royalty, 
and realised them to the full in her royal progresses. 



Royal Progresses. 1 39 

During her reign she visited, from time to time, her nobles 
and the chief cities of her realm. Every- R oya i 
where her presence was a cause for enter- progresses, 
tainments and rejoicings. Everywhere she could enjoy 
the gratification of her vanity in the applause which 
her affability won or in the admiration which her dignity 
inspired. Moreover her thrifty mind enjoyed magni- 
ficence doubly when she had not to pay for it. A 
courtier in disgrace knew that there was no better way 
back to favour than to solicit the costly honour of a 
royal visit ; and Elizabeth was always ready to receive a 
present from the faithful burgesses whose city she con- 
descended to visit. Sometimes her greed overcame her 
decorum. When she visited Norwich, the Mayor, after 
a tedious Latin oration, handed her a silver cup full of 
gold pieces, saying, ' Sunt hie centum librae puri auri ' 
(here are a hundred pounds of pure gold). The queen 
eagerly took off the cover and looked inside ; then with 
a pleased face handed it to one of her servants, saying, 
' Look to it ; there is a hundred pound.' 

We possess full accounts of many of these royal enter- 
tainments, from which much is to be learned about the 
taste and manners of the time. Most notable „,.„■, 

. ' Elizabeth 

amongst them are the ' princely pleasures of at Kenii- 
Kenilworth/ where in 1 5 7 5 the Earl of Leicester worth ' 
entertained the queen for nearly three weeks with a daily 
succession of shows and banquets. The queen was met 
some distance off by her host, with a brilliant cavalcade. 
On nearing the castle a giant porter, armed with a club, 
refused admittance to all till he saw the queen, when 
throwing away his club he prostrated himself at her feet 
and gave up to her his keys. As she entered the 
castle a floating island on the moat approached the bridge 
over which she was passing, and a lady who had been in 
captivity since the days of King Arthur commemorated 



140 Elizabeth.; her Court and Ministers. 

in a long poem her happy deliverance through the terror 
of Elizabeth's name. The bridge itself was ornamented 
with posts, on each of which were seen the offerings to- 
one of the heathen gods. Birds, fishes, fruits, musical 
instruments, and armour, all were hung in their order as- 
symbolical gifts to the queen. When the bridge was 
passed, at the entrance of the inner court a poet appeared,, 
who recited a long Latin poem, explaining to the queen 
the meaning of all that she had seen. This reception may 
serve as a sample of the varied amusements which filled 
up the rest of the queen's visit. Every day had its own 
entertainment. Now there was a water party, when 
Arion on his dolphin drew near and sung the praises of 
the queen, accompanied by an entire orchestra who were 
stowed away inside the monstrous fish. Now there was a 
ride in the woods, where 6 Ombre Selvaggio,' the wild 
man of the woods, overcome by the queen's dignity and 
grace, vowed henceforth to lay aside his savagery and 
live in her service. Echo too, in answer to appropriate 
questions, expressed her delight at Elizabeth's presence. 
Some days were given up to the chase, to hawking, and 
to bearbaiting. There were fireworks and tumbling feats 
when other amusements flagged. . Nor were the sports of 
the common people disregarded. One day the queen 
was entertained by a band of rustics who represented a 
country wedding, and afterwards displayed their skill in 
tilting at the quintain. Another day the men of Coventry 
fought their mimic tournament, according to a yearly 
custom, in commemoration of a great victory over the 
Danes. 

Nor did the burgesses of the towns which Elizabeth, 
visited fall short of the nobles in the honours which they 
Elizabeth at P a ^ ner - At Norwich, Mercury, attired in 
Norwich. bi ue satin lined with cloth of gold, with wings- 
on his hat and on his heels, descended from a magnificent 



Elizabeth at Cambridge. 141 

-carriage at the queen's door, and invited her to go and 
see the revels. There was an elaborate masque represent- 
ing Venus and Cupid, Wantonness and Riot, who, after 
many gambols, were put to flight by Chastity and her train. 

The queen's visits to the two Universities were also 
very characteristic. At Cambridge the Public Orator, 
on his knees, for more than half-an-hour com- Elizabeth at 
memorated the queen's virtues. At first she Cambridge, 
counterfeited indignation, shook her head and bit her 

fingers, exclaiming, ' Non est Veritas, et utinam ' (It 

is not the truth; I would that it were). When he 
praised virginity, she called out, i God's blessing of thy 
heart, there continue.' On Sunday, she heard a Latin 
sermon in the morning, and in the evening saw a repre- 
sentation of the Aulularia of Plautus in the University 
■church. As yet the w r ave of Puritanism had not swept 
over England and stamped a rigid Sabbatarianism on 
the popular mind. She visited all the colleges in turn, 
hearing at each a Latin oration, and receiving, amongst 
other presents, a splendidly bound volume full of Latin 
and Greek verses composed in her honour. She was be- 
sought to address the LTniversity in Latin ; and after a 
great show of reluctance, with many expressions of diffi- 
dence and pleadings of her want of preparation, she 
delivered an elaborately prepared and turgid Latin 
speech, in which she held out hopes of imitating 
her predecessors by founding some new building in the 
University. Perhaps her promise deceived no one ; 
Elizabeth's thrift prevented her from leaving any archi- 
tectural monument of her taste or munificence. 

At Oxford there was a similar tedious flow of orations ; 
and brains were racked to patch together a still larger 
collection of copies of verses than had been Elizabeth at 
made at Cambridge. The queen was so far Oxford, 
advanced in erudition that, after another show of bash- 



143 Elizabeth; her Court and Ministers. 

fulness, she addressed the University in Greek. _er 

far than her speeches was her ready remark to c vice- 
chancellor, Dr. Humphreys, a distinguished Puritan who 
opposed the views of the queen and Archbishop Parker. 
When he advanced in cap and gown at the head of an 
academic procession, the queen, as she gave him her 
hand, said with a smile, ' That loose gown, Doctor, be-^ 
comes you mighty well : I wonder your notions should 
be so narrow.' It was by sayings such as these that the 
queen won the hearts of the people, who can always 
appreciate keen homely wit and readiness of speech. 



143 



BOOK V. 

CONFLICT OF CATHOLICISM AND 
PROTESTANTISM, 1576-86. 



CHAPTER I. 

STRUGGLE IN THE NETHERLANDS, 1 576-83. 

We must return from these peaceful progresses of Eliza- 
beth to the dangers which still surrounded her. In a 
sonnet she expresses her feelings : 

The doubt of future foes exiles my present joy, 

And wit me warns to shun such snares as threaten mine annoy. 

There was still in England — 

' The Daughter of Debate that eke discord doth sow. ' 

So long as Mary of Scotland lived, Elizabeth could not 
be free from fear. l 

The danger that next threatened her was from the 
side of the Netherlands. Requesens did not long carry 
on his policy of pacification, as he died early The < Spanish 
in 1576. Before a successor arrived, the Fury/ 
Spanish troops in the Netherlands mutinied to recover 
their arrears of pay. Philip II. was so impoverished 
by his many undertakings that he could not supply the 



144 Struggle in the Netherlands, a.d. 1576. 

Netherland troops with money. They were determined 
to take matters into their own hands. They organised 
themselves under officers of their own appointment, and 
•seized upon the wealthy city of Antwerp. The ' Spanish 
Fury/ as this attack was called, ruined the most flourish- 
ing commercial city of Europe. Many of its citizens 
-were massacred ; its wealth was carried off and its 
merchants dispersed. The indignation caused by this 
butchery and pillage did much to bind together the 
Netherland States, of which two only were Protestant, 
while fifteen remained Catholic. By the Pacification of 
Ghent (November 8, 1576), all the seventeen States 
bound themselves to expel the Spaniards, and agreed 
to sink religious differences for that purpose. 

Meanwhile the new governor of the Netherlands was 
hastening thither to realise great plans for his own future. 
Don Tohn ^on J onn °f Austria, the natural brother of 
of Austria. Philip II., was now in his thirty-second year, 
and was the most renowned general in Europe. His 
victory at Lepanto had filled his mind with ambitious 
dreams. He had made his brother an offer of conquering 
the Moors in Tunis, if he might be allowed to rule that 
country as king. The Pope supported him in his request ; 
but Philip, who was conscious of his own want of military 
capacity or gifts to win popularity, was alarmed at the 
prospect of a rival. He sent his brother to the Nether- 
lands to keep him out of the way. But Don John went 
there with a still more brilliant scheme, for which likewise 
he had obtained the papal sanction. He was resolved to 
pacify the Netherlands rapidly, and then with his Spanish 
troops cross over to England, put himself at the head of 
the Catholics, liberate and marry Mary, and rule as king. 
This plan did not long escape Philip's vigilance. He was 
doubly alarmed, but could take no open step against it. 
It was lucky for Elizabeth that Don John had not arrived 



-1577- Don John of Austria. 145 

earlier. The Pacification of Ghent had already been 
formed, and gave the Netherlands a solid basis of resist- 
ance which might withstand delusive promises of redress. 

Don John had with difficulty obtained Philip's consent 
to his attack on England, on the condition that it was 
made with Spanish soldiers only. His first Don j ohn > s 
object therefore was to quiet the Netherlands projects. 
and draw off the Spanish troops to England. Negotia- 
tions were at once begun ; and the Netherland Estates 
demanded the ratification of the Pacification of Ghent, 
the maintenance of their old customs and charters, and 
the immediate withdrawal of the Spanish troops. On 
this last point Don John laboured to have a delay of 
three months, and provision for their removal by sea. 
The States, however, were obstinate in demanding their 
immediate withdrawal by land. It was in vain that Don 
John urged every plea he could invent for the delay. 
The Netherlanders had made up their minds, and he was 
at last compelled to yield the point. He saw with despair 
his hopes destroyed for the present. All unconsciously 
the Netherlanders had saved England from a great dan- 
ger, and had freed Philip from anxious alarm. Philip 
was rejoiced to see his brother's ambitious schemes disap- 
pointed, and was determined to let his haughty spirit wear 
itself out in the hopeless task of reducing the Nether- 
lands without an army. 

The demands of the Netherlanders were agreed to by 
the Perpetual Edict, February 17, 1577. The Spanish 
troops were withdrawn, and Don John was Failure of 
left to face the difficulties of his position. His Don John- 
restless mind could not adapt itself to carry out a gentle 
and yielding policy. He was naturally looked upon with 
suspicion by the people. He had neither patience nor for- 
bearance for the task imposed upon him. Moreover Philip 
M.H. L 



146 Struggle in the Netherlands, a.d. 1577 

was bent upon his destruction. A plot was laid by Philip's 
secretary of state, Antonio Perez, to draw treasonable 
expressions from Don John. Feigning to be his friend, he 
wrote to him, and showed all his answers to the king. Don 
John's secretary,Escovedo, was sent to Madrid, where he 
was assassinated by the orders of Perez with Philip's con- 
nivance. Don John felt that he was surrounded by an at- 
mosphere of suspicion, and that he stood single-handed. 
He knew that his great schemes were hopeless, that he 
would be refused the necessary means for governing the 
Netherlands and would be kept there till he had undone 
his previous reputation. 

The peace which had been agreed upon did not long 
continue. Misunderstandings arose between the Estates 
and Don John, and in October 1577 war was again de- 
clared. But the political issues of the struggle between 
Spain and the Netherlands had now broadened. The 
foremost man amongst the Netherlanders was the Prince 
of Orange. He had been the leading spirit in the con- 
test against Philip. As being a Protestant, however, he 
was disliked by the Catholic nobles, who accordingly in- 
vited the Archduke Matthias of Austria to put himself 
at their head. Matthias was the brother of the Emperor 
Rudolf ; but he brought neither wisdom nor money to aid 
a feeble cause. Moreover there were hopes of help from 
France. The brother of King Henry III., the Duke of 
Alencon, or Duke of Anjou as he became on his brother's 
accession, put himself at the head of the party of Politicians 
and advocated the old policy of hostility against Spain. 
He occupied an almost independent position in France, 
and many of the Netherland nobles looked to him for 
help. The prospect of this roused Elizabeth to take more 
decided steps ; that the Netherlands should become 
French would be as dangerous to England as that they 
should become Spanish. Elizabeth made a treaty of 



-1578. Alexander Farnese. 147 

alliance with the Netherlands, lending them money and 
supplying them with troops. 

The Netherlander, however, could do nothing in the 
afield against disciplined Spanish soldiers. In January 
1578 they were defeated with great loss by Don John at 
^Gemblours. But it was his last exploit. Worn out by 
despondency he fell a victim to a pestilence raging in his 
army, and died on October 1, 1578, at the age of thirty- 
two, leaving a last request that his body might be buried 
in the Escurial, by the side of his imperial father. 

Don John was succeeded in the Netherlands by 
Alexander Farnese, Prince of Parma, son of Margaret, 
Duchess of Parma, who had been regent Alexander 
when the troubles in the Netherlands first Farnese. 
broke out. He soon proved himself to be admirably 
fitted for the task he had undertaken. He was the first 
commander in Europe, uniting bravery with coolness and 
decision. He could plan a campaign as well as win a 
battle, and in the art of besieging cities he was without a 
rival. Besides his military talents he had great powers 
•of governing ; his manner was conciliatory, he was just 
and patient, and was resolutely fixed on carrying out by 
-every means the end he had set before himself. He was 
moreover a keen politician, who delighted in spinning or 
unravelling with cautious prudence the web of diplomatic 
intrigue. It was not long before the results of his presence 
were felt in the Netherlands. He managed to take ad- 
vantage of the differences between the Catholic and Pro- 
testant states. The Walloon provinces of the south, which 
were all Catholic, entered into a separate union. William 
of Orange, by the Union of Utrecht, combined the seven 
provinces of Gelderland, Oberyssel, Holland, Zeeland, 
Utrecht, Groningen, and Friesland, to defend themselves 
against Spain and maintain their religious liberties. This 
* Union of Utrecht ' was the foundation of the Netherland 

L 2 



148 Struggle in the Netherlands. a.d. 1580 

Republic. These seven provinces held together under 
the guidance of the Prince of Orange ; the other ten 
provinces gradually fell back into the hands of Spain,, 
though on tolerably advantageous terms, as there were no 
religious difficulties in the way. 

In face of this state of things William of Orange 
and the * nearer united provinces/ as they were called, 
w .,. , found it necessary to take decided steps for 

Philip s con- - . . 

quest of their own preservation. In the early part of 

Portugal. tlie y ear I ^g Q t j ie war 1^^]^ m tne N e _ 

therlands ; for Philip's attention was turned to Portugal, 
the vacant crown of which he claimed through his mother, 
a daughter of King Manuel. He was opposed by the 
Duke of Braganza, and also by a natural son of the royal 
house, Don Antonio. But Philip's power carried all be- 
fore it. Alva advanced into Portugal, and in fifty-eight 
days had expelled Don Antonio and reduced the country 
under Philip. The conquest of Portugal was finished 
before any of the other powers of Europe had time to 
interfere. This accession to Philip's power increased his 
determination to reduce the Netherlands, and filled the 
Netherlanders with dismay. But it also awoke the jea- 
lousy of France and England, and made open resistance 
to Spain more necessary. The European conflict, which 
for a few years had seemed to be lulled, awoke with 
greater intensity than before. 

Philip II. and his advisers were convinced that the 
Prince of Orange was the great obstacle to the reconquest 
Philip's ban of the Netherlands. In March 1580 Philip 
agamst the published a solemn ban, in which he recounted 

Prince of r > 

Orange. all the crimes of William of Orange, and ex- 

posed him ' as an enemy of the human race.' Anyone 
who delivered him up, alive or dead, was to receive 
twenty-five thousand crowns of gold, and to be ennobled 
for his valour. To this William replied in a famous 



-15S1. Abjuration of Allegiance. 149 

^Apology,' in which he denounced unsparingly the 
misdeeds of Philip, and in the noblest tones asserted the 
lawfulness of his own patriotic endeavours. But it was 
necessary for him to prepare for a long conflict, and to 
strengthen the Netherlands by foreign help. At the 
earnest request of the Estates of Holland and Zeeland he 
accepted, on July 5, 1581, the sovereignty over those two 
provinces as long as the war should last. At the end of 
the same month all the provinces which had not yet made 
terms with Parma abjured by a solemn act the sovereignty 
•of Philip. He had not fulfilled his duties as their pro- 
tector ; he had destroyed their ancient liberties and 
treated them as slaves ; he was not their prince but 
their tyrant, — as such they lawfully and reasonably 
•claimed to depose him. 

The Netherlanders prepared themselves for open 
fight. They could not hope to cope with Philip single- 
handed ; but by abjuring his sovereignty they Duke f 
could put themselves under the protection of Anjou made 
the powers opposed to Spain. The Archduke th^Nether- 
Matthias of Austria had been useless to them. lands - 
He was dismissed with thanks, and the Duke of Anjou 
was elected sovereign by all the States except Holland and 
Zeeland, who would have no head but William of Orange. 
They hoped that the old hostility between France and 
Spain might be revived, and that as Henry II. had de- 
fended the oppressed Germans against Charles V., so 
Henry III. might maintain their cause against Philip 
Moreover there was a project of marriage between Eliza- 
beth and the Duke of Anjou. If this had been brought 
about, a union would have been formed between England 
and France in opposition to Spain ; political motives 
would have once more prevailed over religious dissensions 
and the old system of European politics would have been 
re-established as it had been before the Reformation. 



150 Struggle in the Netherlands, a.d. 1581- 

The wooing of the Duke of Anjou is ludicrous enough 
in the accounts which have come down to us. It is dif- 
. . , ficult to believe that Elizabeth, at the mature 

Anjou s !«-•/■ 

wooing of age of 48, could have any deep affection for 
Elizabeth. ^ er jn_f avoure d suitor, who was 20 years 
younger than herself. Francis of Anjou was small and 
badly made ; his face was marked with small-pox, his- 
skin was covered with blotches, and his nose was swollen 
to double its size. His voice was harsh and grating;: 
Elizabeth used to call him her ' Frog/ No doubt Eliza- 
beth was ready to marry him, and was nearer to marriage 
with him than with any of her previous suitors, because 
she thought that through him her political position might 
be securely established. Yet she was resolved to be quite 
sure on this point before committing herself. Meanwhile 
she behaved with all the coyness of a bashful girl ; she 
allowed her subjects to think that her mind was made up y 
and waited to see the result. A pamphlet appeared, by 
a young lawyer of the name of Stubbs, called 'The 
Discovery of a Gaping Gulf, wherein England is like to 
be swallowed up by another French Marriage, if the Lord 
forbid not the banns by letting her see the sin and 
punishment thereof/ The book was suppressed by royal 
proclamation, and Stubbs was sentenced to the amputation 
of his right hand. After the execution of his sentence 
Stubbs waved his hat with his left hand and cried l God 
save the queen/ But Elizabeth learned from the feeling 
then displayed that the English Protestants looked with 
disfavour on a French marriage. 

Meanwhile, in the summer of 1581 the Duke of 
Anjou advanced into the Netherlands, compelled the 
Prince of Parma to relinquish the siege of Cambray, and 
garrisoned the town. Then disbanding his army he- 
crossed over to England to pursue his wooing. The- 
articles of the marriage treaty were concluded ; but still 



-1583.. A v joii in the Netherlands. 151 

Elizabeth wavered. When it came to the point, she 
doubted if France would really hold to the offensive and 
defensive alliance which she demanded; she doubted 
how her marriage would affect her own position and 
power. Anjou was received with every sign of affection. 
After a splendid festival the queen, in the presence of her 
court, drew a ring from her finger and placed it upon his. 
But after three months' wooing, during which time 
Elizabeth showed him all possible regard, her mind was 
still not made up. Anjou departed, for he could be no 
longer absent from the Netherlands. Elizabeth herself 
accompanied him to Canterbury, and took leave of him 
with tears. A splendid retinue of English nobles was 
sent to accompany him, and Elizabeth wrote to the 
Estates General of the Netherlands requesting them to 
honour him as if he were her second self. Perhaps she 
wished to see how Anjou would succeed in the Netherlands 
before committing herself to him. She wished still to 
have it in her power to resume negotiations for marriage, 
if she were convinced that it would be advantageous 
to her. 

In February 1582 Anjou was installed in Antwerp 
as Count of Brabant, and soon afterwards was accepted 
by the other united provinces, except Holland . . 
and Zeeland, as their prince. In every case the Nether- 
he received the old constitutional sovereignty, lands * 
and was bound to maintain the old liberties. He soon 
chafed at the restraints by which he found himself sur- 
rounded. He complained that the real power was in the 
hands of the Estates General, and that he was prince only 
in name. A plan was accordingly formed 'among his 
French officers of seizing on the most important cities, 
and making Anjou supreme by force. Anjou himself 
planned the surprise of Antwerp. On January 17, 1583, 
the French troops suddenly dashed through the streets 



152 Struggle in the Netherlands, a.d. 1584. 

of Antwerp, crying out, c Vive la messe ! vive le due d'An- 
jou! ' The citizens were at first surprised, and the French 
dispersed to plunder. But the burghers soon recovered 
themselves and threw up barricades in the streets. The 
French were driven out with great slaughter, and Anjou, 
who was eagerly awaiting the result outside the gates, 
had to retire baffled. 

This act of deliberate treachery awoke the deepest 
resentment among the Netherlander ; but William of 
Anjou's Orange was anxious to avoid any rupture with 

treachery. France. The year was spent in futile nego- 
tiations with Anjou, who at last retired to Paris, where he 
died in June 1584. He was a man entirely destitute of 
any principles ; his sole motive was a vainglorious desire 
for his own advancement. His appearance is ludicrous in 
the history of England, and contemptible in the history 
of the Netherlands. If he had won a battle against the 
Spanish forces in the Netherlands, the result might have 
been most important. French help might have been 
openly given against Spain ; he might have married 
Elizabeth, and England and France might have united 
in a great effort against Spain on the battle-field of the 
Netherlands. As it was, he strengthened the hands of 
the Duke of Parma ; for his presence at Cambray gave 
a reason to the provinces which favoured Parma for ad- 
mitting Spanish troops ; if they had not done so, Parma's 
hands would have been tied. Lastly, Anjou's treacher- 
ous attempt against Antwerp spread distrust and con- 
fusion among the united provinces. 



a.d. 1521-37. The Jesuits. 153 



CHAPTER II. 

THE JESUITS AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION. 

"We must turn our attention from these politicalstruggles 
to consider the shape which the antagonism between 
Catholicism and Protestantism had assumed, and the 
means by which Catholicism was aiming at its re-estab- 
lishment. 

The most powerful weapon for effecting the Catholic 
restoration was the Order of the Jesuits. This Order 
owed its origin to a young Spanish knight, Ri seo fthe 
Don lingo' Lopez de Recalde, known as Jesuits. 
Ignatius Loyola. As a young man his mind was filled 
with the aspirations of Spanish chivalry, which still bore 
a strong crusading colour from the recent wars against 
the Moors. At the siege of Pampeluna, in 1521, Ignatius 
was wounded in both legs. After a long and tedious 
illness he recovered, but was lamed for life. During the 
weeks spent in bed his chivalrous fancies had received a 
religious tinge, which went on deepening afterwards. 
His mind gradually passed from the idea of worldly to 
that of spiritual warfare, and he transferred to his new 
quest the visions and feelings which had moved him in 
his first pursuit of arms. His imaginative mind was filled 
with fancies and apparitions, and the fervour of his en- 
thusiasm kindled the minds of others. He found in Paris, 
where he went to study, two men of remarkable powers of 
mind who shared his own mystic beliefs, Peter Faber, a 
Savoyard, and a Spaniard, Francesco Xavier. They 
formed themselves into a little band, bound by the vows 
of chastity and poverty ; they swore to devote themselves 



154 The Jesuits and the Catholic Reaction. 1537 

to the spread of Christianity and to go where the Pope 
bade them. In 1537 they went to Rome, and called 
themselves by the military name of Jesuits, — the Company 
of Jesus. They added to their previous vows the vow of 
absolute obedience to their general, whom they elected for 
life ; and they placed themselves entirely at the disposal or 
the Pope. While the papacy was being shattered by de- 
fection on every side, this new society arose, bound by a 
vow of the most absolute devotion to the papal commands. 

This new Order was formed for active work, not for 
the cultivation of contemplative virtues. Its members 
Objects of wore no monastic habit, and accepted no 
the Order. clerical office. They devoted themselves to 
practical pursuits, — to preaching, to hearing confessions,, 
and to the education of the young. The Order at once 
became powerful and rapidly spread ; it appealed to the 
chivalrous feeling which the struggle against Protestantism 
had awakened in the minds of those who clung to the old 
faith. Its internal organisation was most rigid ; the prin- 
ciple of obedience was used to separate the Jesuit from 
every tie which binds the ordinary man to his fellows. 
The Jesuit gave away all his possessions, cut himself off 
from his relations, laid aside all right of individual judg- 
ment, and obeyed his superiors without enquiring the 
reason or object of their orders. 

The power of the Jesuits over society in general was 
founded chiefly on their efforts to promote education 
and their development of the system of the confessional. 
They worked together with order and arrangement. They 
were good and careful teachers and got into their hands 
the instruction of the young, as they took no money for 
their teaching. They also formed minute rules for the 
direction of men's consciences, in an age when men's 
consciences were singularly awakened. We cannot 
wonder that such a society spread rapidly in the Catholic 



- 1 5 79- Catholic A t l tempt on Ireland, 155 

countries, and that its organisation gave great strength 
to the Catholic reaction. A new spirit of zeal and 
earnestness was infused into the old ecclesiastical system,, 
which had seemed to be crumbling away before the 
onslaughts of Luther and Calvin. 

Under this new impulse Catholicism exchanged its 
attitude of repression for one of aggression. The papacy 
again became a power which had forces at its command. 
In the Netherlands the influence of the Jesuits in the 
Walloon provinces, which remained devoutly Catholic,, 
had been greatly instrumental in bringing them back 
to Spain. 

The growing strength of the papacy also encouraged 
it to attack England more boldly. We have seen how 
the excommunication of Elizabeth by Pius V. • ■ 
failed to move the English Catholics as a and the 
body from their loyalty. His successor, Pope P a P a °y- 
Gregory XIII., saw that it was necessary to secure foreign 
help against England ; his hopes were first fixed upon 
Don John of Austria, and we have seen how they were 
doomed to disappointment. The next hope of the Pope 
was to strike a blow through Ireland, where the people 
still remained Catholic and refused to accept the English 
Prayer Book. It does not seem that any vigorous at- 
tempts were made to enforce its use ; but the Irish were 
represented to the Pope as groaning under religious op- 
pression. Gregory XIII. believed that the Irish would 
rise at once in behalf of Catholicism, if only they received 
any small encouragement. An English exile, Thomas 
Stukely, received money from the Pope for the conquest 
of Ireland ; he was, however, diverted to an enterprise 
against the Moors, where he met his death. But his 
confederate, James Fitzmaurice, brother of the Earl of 
Desmond, was resolved to try his fortunes alone. In 
June 1579 he landed with a few Spanish troops in Ire- 



1 56 The Jesuits and the Catholic Reaction, 1581. 

land, and took possession of the fort of Smerwick, near 
Kerry. The Irish, however, did not join him as he 
expected, and in a skirmish Fitzmaurice was killed. His 
brother, the Earl of Desmond, openly revolted, and, as 
the rising seemed to be gathering in force, a reinforce- 
ment of Spanish and Italian soldiers was sent to Smer- 
wick in 1580. But the new deputy of Ireland, Lord Grey 
de Wilton, directed a vigorous siege against the fort, 
which was compelled to yield unconditionally. The 
English were embarrassed by the number of their priso- 
ners, which equalled that of their own force. They were, 
moreover savagely determined to give a lesson against 
foreign intervention. Already a fierce hatred of the 
Spaniards as Catholic oppressors had begun to rouse 
the hearts of Englishmen. The garrison of Smerwick 
was disarmed, and then butchered by a body of troops 
under the command of Sir Walter Raleigh. The Earl of 
Desmond had no further hopes after this. The rebellion 
was crushed and severely punished. The papal attempt 
on Ireland had resulted only in failure. # 

At the same time also a Catholic attempt of a more 
insidious kind was made upon Scotland. Esme Stewart, 
Lord of Aubigny, came from France to Scot- 
tempt on land. He was a nephew of the late Earl of 
Scotland. Lennox, and so cousin to the young king 
James VI., with whom he rapidly became a great favourite. 
D'Aubigny had been a member of the Guise party in 
France. The Scots saw with dismay his influence 
^over James, who created him first Earl, then Duke of 
Lennox. The favourite put himself at the head of the 
faction opposed to the Regent Morton, who had made 
many enemies. In 1581 Morton was accused of having 
been a confederate in the murder of Darnley, and was 
beheaded in spite of Elizabeth's attempts to interfere 
in his favour. Lennox now seemed supreme in Scotland, 



-1580. Jesuits in England. 157 

and it was suspected that he would again unite the Ca- 
tholic parties in Scotland and France against Elizabeth. 
The Protestant feeling of the country was alarmed, and 
the hatred of favourites on the part of the old nobles 
again found its expression in a bond. The Earl of Gowrie 
invited the young king to a hunt at his castle of Ruthven, 
where James found himself a prisoner in the hands of his 
nobles (August 1582). Lennox was banished from the 
kingdom, and died next year in France. The fear of 
Catholic influence in Scotland was for a time dispelled. 

Meanwhile an attempt had been made to establish 
the influence of Catholicism in England itself. The zeal 
of the Jesuits had been contagious, and „ . 

■ - ... , . , . . , Seminary 

amongst other institutions to which it had priests in 
given rise was the English seminary at Douay. En s land - 
This was a college for the training of the young English 
Catholics who went to study abroad. It was founded in 
1568, but, owing to the troubles in the Netherlands, was 
transferred from Douay to Rheims. In 1579 Pope 
Gregory XIII. founded an English college at Rome. Its 
members were pledged to return to England and preach 
the faith which they believed. We cannot wonder that 
the Jesuit enthusiasm seized these young Englishmen^ 
and that they were determined to do and suffer any- 
thing, provided they might further their great object. 

In 1580 the first of these Jesuit missionaries, Parsons 
and Campion, set foot in England. Their success was at 
once very great. The English Catholics, who j esu i ts in 
up to this time had given a kind of passive England. 
conformity to the new services, plucked up fresh courage. 
Numbers flocked to the secret services of these bold 
priests, who in different disguises, and under changing 
names, travelled from place to place throughout the land. 
Persecution lent a zest to their preaching, and the words 
of men who spoke at the peril of their lives were then, as 



158 The Jesuits and the Catholic Reaction. 1582 

always, powerful. A printing press was also set up, from 
which proceeded books in defence of Catholicism, written 
by trained controversialists among the Jesuits. The 
Catholics awoke from their torpor and became conscious 
of their wrongs. They no longer could consent to attend 
the reformed services, or to recognise the validity of 
Elizabeth's ecclesiastical laws. If this organisation had 
been carried out before the rising of 1570, it is impossible 
to say what might have been the result. 

The government was thoroughly alarmed, and acts 

of parliament were passed, subjecting these missionaries 

to the penalties of high treason and increas- 

Persecution . . . _ . 

of the mg the punishments for recusancy. Anyone 

Catholics. being absent from church was liable to a fine 
of twenty pounds a month. The Catholics were subjected 
to severe persecution, and their houses were ransacked 
in search of concealed priests. Campion and other 
Jesuits were taken prisoners and condemned to death on 
the charge of conspiring against Elizabeth. It was be- 
lieved in England that secret plots were on foot against 
the queen's life. The Catholic countries of the Continent 
rang with stories of the martyrs' deaths and of the cruelty 
of the English queen. 

The fears of England were soon increased by the 

•death of the Prince of Orange. The reward offered by 

Philip and the fanaticism inspired bv the 

Death of the F , . , rr , ~\ 

Prince of Jesuits combined to afford two powerful 
Orange. motives for his removal. In 1582, immediately 

after the installation of the Duke of Anjou, a Biscayan, 
Joureguy, had fired at the prince, and wounded him in the 
neck. The assassin had amongst his papers a written vow to 
offer to the Virgin of Bayonne a robe, a crown, and a lamp, 
to the Lord Jesus a rich curtain, if his attempt succeeded. 
For awhile Orange's life was despaired of; but he gradu- 
ally recovered. It was not long, however, before a more 



- 1 584. Throgmortoii s Plot 159 

successful attempt was made. A Burgundian, Balthasar 
Gerard, found admittance to the prince, and shot him as 
he was descending the staircase of his house at Delft 
.{July 1584). 

The death of Orange was a severe blow to the cause 
of Netherlandish freedom. He had given himself up 
heart and soul to the struggle against Philip, without any- 
thought of his own aggrandisement, with entire devotion 
to the cause he had undertaken. Cautious and prudent, he 
yet shrank from no risks. On his own side he had to con- 
tend with the jealousy of the other Netherland nobles, who 
could not endure a chief. He was matched against the most 
skilful warriors and the ablest politicians of Europe. Yet 
William, ' the Silent ' as he was called, moved cautiously 
among the dangers of his position, intent only on keeping 
the provinces united and determined in spite of reverses 
to persevere in their resistance against Spain. When he 
died his presence was particularly needed, as Alexander 
of Parma had been gaining over the cities of Brabant ; 
Ypres, Bruges, and Ghent had all fallen into his hands, 
and he had laid siege to Antwerp, which was anxiously 
looking to the Prince of Orange for succours. 

About the same time also another conspiracy was 
discovered in England against Elizabeth. Its principal 
agent was Francis Throgmorton, whose plan Throgmor _ 
was to remove Elizabeth by assassination, ton's con- 
and set Mary on the English throne by the spiracy * 
aid of Spain and the French Catholics. Throgmortoii 
was executed, and as his papers inculpated the Spa- 
nish ambassador, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, he was 
called to account before the council ; on refusing to 
answer he was ordered to leave the country. It was an 
open defiance to Philip ; but Philip was too busy with other 
schemes to take any notice of it at the time. 

These constant plots against Elizabeth, and the deep 



160 The Jesuits and the Catholic Reaction. 1584. 

impression of horror caused by the death of William of 
. . Orange, made loyal Englishmen combine in 
to protect defence of their queen. A voluntary associa- 
Ehzabeth. t « on was f orme( j ? t h e me mbers of which so- 
lemnly undertook to prosecute to the death all who should 
make an attempt against the queen, and all in whose be- 
half such an attempt should be made. This was a threat 
against the imprisoned Mary, a warning to her party that 
her death would follow on the success of any plot against 
Elizabeth. The Catholic assassinations were met in 
England by a stern threat of vengeance. The two parties 
stood in undisguised hostility the one to the other. 




EcLV-WeUer 



LoncLon Lonqmajus & -Co 



nor 



i6i 



BOOK VI. 

THE LEAGUE AND THE ARMADA. 



CHAPTER I. 

SPAIN AND THE LEAGUE. 

Philip II. meanwhile was occupied with larger schemes 
for the aggrandisement of the Spanish monarchy. At 
Philip II. tne beginning of the revolt of the Nether- 
and France, lands his cautious temper had led him to re- 
solve to overcome the rebel provinces before proceeding 
to his greater undertakings. Now that the Prince of 
Orange was removed, and Alexander of Parma was 
winning town after town, it seemed to Philip that the 
revolt must soon be extinguished. The only hope of the 
Netherlands lay in foreign assistance. Elizabeth was not 
prepared to help them ; but they still had hopes from 
France. In the beginning of 1585 an embassy from the 
United Provinces appeared at the French court, and 
offered to Henry III. the sovereignty as it had been ex- 
ercised by Charles V. ; they begged to be united to the 
French crown. Henry listened to their request, but at 
last declined it. Still his conduct was alarming to Philip 
II. Moreover, Catharine de' Medici had brought forward 

M. H. m 



1 62 Spain and the League. a.d. 1585. 

claims to the throne of Portugal, for which she demanded 
satisfaction from Philip. Philip was of opinion that the 
best thing he could do to advance the power of Spain 
was to check the power of the French court and obtain an, 
influence over French affairs. 

The state of things in France invited him to interfere. 
Henry III. himself was unpopular amongst his nobles. 
Character of He surrounded himself with worthless favou- 
Henry in. rites, and spent his days in effeminate amuse- 
ments with these mignons of the court. He delighted te 
appear in public in feminine robes of great magnificence, 
with pearls hanging from his ears in a style of Oriental 
profligacy and luxury. He had no children, and the death 
of the Duke of Anjou excited men's minds about the 
question of the succession. The nearest heir of the 
blood royal was Henry, king of Navarre, whose marriage 
with the king's sister Margaret had been the occasion of 
the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. Henry of 
Navarre was a Huguenot, and the possibility of his suc- 
cession was alarming to the French Catholics, and equally 
so to Philip of Spain. 

The religious struggle, as we have seen, was more 
violent, and offered sharper contrasts in- France than 
Formation it did i n other countries. The French 
° fthe Catholics saw with daily increasing disgust 

League. . ' , 

the toleration given to the Huguenots ; the 
idea of a Huguenot king was intolerable to them. The 
Catholic party gathered round the Duke of Guise, and 
it was easy for Philip to stir it into activity. The 
alliance between Philip and the Guises was formed in 
January 1585. It is known as e the League.' Its object was 
to prevent a heretic from becoming king of France by 
securing the succession of the Cardinal of Bourbon, a 
younger brother of King Anthony of Navarre, and so 
uncle to Henry of Navarre. Further, they agreed to 



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1 64 Spain and the L eague. a. d. 1585. 

extirpate Protestantism, not only in France but also in 
the Netherlands. In April the League published its 
manifesto, setting forth that subjects are not bound to 
recognise a prince who is not a Catholic. The interests of 
the nobles, the clergy, and the towns were all provided 
for. The Guises enlisted against the government the 
selfish feelings of every class. 

Had Henry III. possessed any force of character or 

any power of political insight, he would have made 

common cause with the Huguenots and the 

Henry III. _ _ . ° , 

and the Netherlanders to repel this outrage upon the 

League. crown. As it was, however, his religious 

feelings overpowered all others ; he became a confederate 
with the Guises, and revoked (July 1585) the edicts of 
toleration to the Protestants. There was no longer any 
hope to the Netherlands of putting themselves under 
the protection of France. 

Meanwhile Alexander of Parma had been steadily 
advancing in his plans. On the result of the siege of 
Siege of Antwerp depended the fate of the provinces of 

Antwerp. Flanders and Brabant. Parma strained every 
nerve to ensure its surrender, and carried out his plans 
for its capture with a perseverance and resoluteness 
which nothing could shake. The siege of Antwerp was 
long memorable in the annals of sieges. Antwerp, the 
great commercial capital of Europe, stands at the mouth of 
the Scheldt, where the river broadens into an estuary of the 
sea dotted with small islands. The strong places on the 
landward side were in Parma's hands. But Antwerp was 
too well fortified to be taken by storm, and it was im- 
possible to blockade it so long as the river remained 
open. The flat-bottomed boats of the Hollanders could 
take advantage of any condition of the tide and bring 
supplies to the beleaguered city. Parma, however, made 
himself master of the banks of the Scheldt and built forts 



a.d. 1585. . Siege of Antwerp. 165 

at such places as secured him the command of the 
navigation of the river, He then proceeded, during the 
winter of 1584, to build a bridge across the stream. The 
Scheldt was here 60 feet deep and 800 yards broad ; to 
bridge such a channel seemed to the besieged an im- 
possible folly. But the Spaniards, beginning from either 
bank, slowly drove in their piles so firmly that their work 
withstood the huge blocks of ice that in the winter 
months rolled down the stream. When the piers had 
been built as far as was possible, the middle part was 
made sure by a permanent bridge of boats. In February 
1585 the Scheldt was closed. 

In Antwerp, however, lived an Italian engineer, 
Giambelli, who proposed a means of breaking through 
this barrier. He took two ships, in each of which he 
built a marble chamber, filled with gunpowder, over 
which was placed a pile of every kind of heavy missile, 
These ships were floated down the Scheldt, but their 
meaning was disguised by some small fire-ships which 
sailed in front of them. The Spaniards spent their 
energies in warding off the fire-ships, and the other two 
struck against the bridge ; in one the match burnt out 
without reaching the powder, but the other took fire with 
a terrific explosion. A thousand Spanish soldiers were 
hurled into the air, and a breach of two hundred feet was 
made in the bridge. Confusion and panic terror struck 
the hearts of the Spaniards. But the men of Antwerp 
could not use their success ; the signal was not given to 
the Zeeland fleet which was waiting out at sea. No relief 
came, and Alexander of Parma, recovering at once his 
presence of mind, set to work with desperate energy 
to repair the breach. In three days the blockade was 
again established, and Parma awaited the end. Another 
desperate sally was made by the Netherlanders, who 
succeeded in carrying one of the Spanish forts ; but they 



1 66 Spain and the League. a.d. 1585. 

could not maintain themselves there against the valour 
of the Spanish troops when they were under their heroic 
leader's eye. The Netherlanders were driven back, and 
with their failure Antwerp's last hope was gone. The 
city capitulated on August 17, 1585 ; there was to be a 
general amnesty, but only the Catholic religion was to be 
tolerated ; those who refused to conform were allowed 
two years to wind up their affairs and quit the city. 

When France had refused all help to the Netherlands 
and had admitted Spanish influence within its borders, it 
Elizabeth became evident to Elizabeth and her ministers 
t en th S t jj ops that English help could no longer be refused, 
theriands. It was clear that England would soon be 
attacked by Philip II., and that every effort must be made 
to keep him employed. The States offered the sovereignty 
to Elizabeth, as they had done before. She would not 
however, accept this, as she would not openly countenance 
rebellion ; she rather wished to give the States only just 
as much assistance as would enable them to maintain 
themselves against Spain, and she wished to help them at 
as little cost as possible. Months were spent in haggling 
between the two powers. At last Elizabeth, though she 
refused even the title of Protector of the Netherlands, 
agreed to furnish 5,000 footmen and 1,000 horse, but 
demanded the surrender of Brill and Flushing into her 
hands as guarantees for the payment of her expenses. 
The Netherlanders were compelled sadly to submit to 
these hard terms, and at the end of 1585 the Earl of 
Leicester landed in Holland as leader of the English 
troops. 

Leicester was not, however, fit to oppose so skilful a 
general and politician as Alexander Farnese. He com- 
mitted a blunder immediately after his landing, 

T GiCGstcr in 

the Nether- by transgressing the queen's commands and 
lands. accepting the supremacy over the govern- 

ment of the Netherlands, under the title of governor- 



a.d. 1585. Drake in the Spanish Main. 167 

general. Elizabeth was highly indignant, and wrote 
angry letters to the States. Parma, to gain time, had 
•opened negotiations with Elizabeth. It is certain that 
the queen was not indisposed to peace with Spain, and 
could she have secured it would have sacrificed the cause 
of the Netherlands. She listened to proposals for 
handing over the cautionary towns to Parma. Rumours 
of these negotiations spread among the Netherlanders 
and kindled doubts of Elizabeth's sincerity. Men were 
afraid that their experience of the Duke of Anjou would 
be repeated in Elizabeth. 

The negotiations came to nothing ; but they prevented 
England from helping the States with vigour, and gave 
Philip time to prepare for a great blow against . 

England. This was made more necessary for the Spanish 
him by the bold exploits of Sir Francis Drake, Main * 
who at the end of 1585 set sail with a fleet of 25 vessels 
for the Spanish main. There he captured, plundered, 
and destroyed the wealthy and important cities of San 
Domingo and Carthagena ; he coasted along the shores 
of Cuba and Florida, plundering as he went, and in July 
1586 returned to England laden with booty. The 
Spaniards exclaimed, ' Drake has played the dragon.' 
Philip was alarmed for the security of the Spanish trade 
with its colonies in the New World, on which much of 
the resources of Spain depended. It was of the highest 
importance to him that this English aggression should be 
checked. His plan was a great naval invasion from 
Spain and the Netherlands at the same time. The 
English Catholics, he calculated, would rise on behalf of 
Mary. Under such a general as Parma the capture of 
London would be easy ; Elizabeth was to be put to 
'death ; Parma could marry Mary, and govern England in 
the interests of Spain and Catholicism. 

"While Philip was revolving this design, Leicester was 



1 68 The Spanish Armada. a.d. 1586. 

doing nothing to cause a diversion in the Netherlands. 
In spite of his presence Parma captured 
Sir Philip Grave and Neuss. Leicester laid siege to 
Sidney. Zutphen, and Parma marched to its defence. 

In the battle that ensued, Leicester's nephew, Sir Philip 
Sidney, received a wound of which he died. Great was. 
the grief of Europe at his death, and men of every nation 
mourned for him. Though he died at the early age of 
thirty-two, his pure and noble spirit had left its mark 
upon his times. He was a brave warrior, an accomplished 
gentleman, a famous scholar, a wise politician. He was 
a man of lofty soul and deep religious feelings. All who- 
met him owned the charm of his manner and his ready 
appreciation of every kind of excellence. He was ' the 
common rendezvous of worth in his time.' His character 
still stands out as the type of English chivalry in 
Elizabeth's England. 

Leicester achieved nothing in the Netherlands. The 
States were dissatisfied with him, and he returned to 
England in November 1586. Elizabeth needed all her 
counsellors around her. Philip II. had secured France 
by the complications of her internal affairs, and was now 
threatening England in earnest. The Netherlands seemed 
to be giving way to the Prince of Parma. England was 
fearful of Catholic plots, and the adherents of Mary were 
raising their heads in expectation of the promised help of 
Spain. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE SPANISH ARMADA. 

To meet the threatened danger Elizabeth took the 
only steps she could. She supplied Henry of Navarre 
with money to enable, him to make head against the 



A.D.-15S6. Babingtoiis Conspiracy. 169 

League in France, and she made an alliance of ' stricter 
amity' with the Scottish king, whereby both powers 
bound themselves to maintain the cause of Protestantism 
and help one another in case of an invasion. 

But though the open conflict was drawing near, the 
secret war of plots and assassinations did not abate its 
vigour. A plot for the queen's death was Babington's 
hatched in the Seminary at Rheims, and was conspiracy, 
communicated to the Spanish ambassador in France. 
In England Anthony Babington was charged with. 
carrying out the scheme, and he soon gathered round 
him a band of Catholic fanatics. Their object was to 
kill Elizabeth, set Mary free and make her queen by 
Spanish help. The plot was communicated to Mary and 
received her sanction and approval. The conspirators,, 
however, had not conducted their plans with sufficient 
secrecy. The plot was known to Elizabeth's watchful 
secretary, Sir Francis Walsingham. Few things are 
more surprising in the history of this period than the 
dexterity with which both Walsingham and William 
of Orange organised a system of spies and obtained 
information of their opponents' measures. Walsingham 
had his creatures in every court of Europe ; even in the 
Jesuit Colleges he had men in his pay. The perilous 
state of affairs and the unscrupulous diplomacy of the 
time had made a system of espionage a necessary part 
of statesmanship. When hypocrisy and deceit formed 
so great a part of politics, they could only be met by more 
profound and elaborate dissimulation. 

Walsingham knew of the plot at once ; but he saw in it 
a means of implicating Mary and involving her in treason- 
able practices. He did not immediately appre- Mary 
hend the conspirators, but allowed them to implicated. 
go on till he could get clear evidence of Mary's complicity 
into his hands. In this Elizabeth agreed ; she had the 



170 The Spanish Armada, a.d. 1587. 

courage to expose herself to the dangers of this conspiracy, 
which might at any moment break upon her, in order to give 
Walsingham time for his discoveries. The conspirators 
communicated with Mary by means of a man who was in 
Walsingham's employ. Letters passed between them 
concealed in beer barrels which were carried in for the use 
of Mary's household ; but a copy of every letter was taken 
by Walsingham's secretary on the way. At last when 
proof enough had been obtained, Walsingham's toils 
closed round the plotters ; they were taken prisoners and 
confessed. 

Mary was kept in ignorance of their fate. During her 
absence from her room her papers were all seized, and 
Mary con- tne evidence of her restless plotting was laid 
demned. before Elizabeth. Babington and his com- 

panions were executed in September 1586. As to Mary, 
Elizabeth's ministers were determined to be rid of her, 
and free the country, before the hour of its extremest peril, 
<of the danger which her presence had always brought. 
Elizabeth was hard to manage in this matter ; she was 
willing to be rid of Mary, but shrank from the odium 
which Mary's death would bring upon herself. At length 
a commission of forty privy counsellors and noblemen 
was appointed to try Mary, ' commonly called Queen of 
Scots,' under the provisions of the act passed two years 
before for Elizabeth's protection. Mary was taken to 
Fotheringay Castle in Northamptonshire, and the trial 
began. At first Mary refused to answer, saying that she 
did not acknowledge the jurisdiction of the court over a 
queen ; but she at last consented to plead. The evidence 
was heard, and on October 25 sentence was pronounced 
against Mary on the ground of privity to Babington's plot 
' for the hurt, death, and destruction of the royal person.' 

Mary had been condemned ; but Elizabeth hesitated to 
•order the execution of a queen, a near relative to herself, 



a.d. 1587. Execution of Mary. 171 

who had sought refuge in her kingdom, and whom she 
had kept for nineteen years in confinement. Mary 
Parliament petitioned that the sentence should executed. 
be carried into effect, and that the ' seedplot of so many 
conspiracies ' should be removed- Elizabeth paused be- 
fore she could resolve ; she even made overtures to have 
Mary privily put out of the way, that so she might avoid 
the responsibility of a decision. At last she signed the 
warrant for Mary's execution, but gave no orders that it 
should be carried into effect. Her secretary, Davison, at 
>once took action upon it, and Mary was beheaded in 
Fotheringay Castle on February 8, 1587. 

It is impossible not to feel a certain amount of sym- 
pathy for Mary, round whose personal history so much 
romance has gathered. Yet her death was Results of 
necessary for England's safety. She had not ? Iar / s 
spent her years of confinement as a pining 
captive ; her days were passed in constant intrigues and 
plottings ; she was not merely a passive but an active 
enemy to Elizabeth and to England. She represented 
in her own person all that was opposed to Elizabeth's 
quiet, and to the peace of Protestant England. Of this 
fact she was always conscious, and hoped at every turn 
of affairs not only for liberty but for the English throne. 
So long as she lived, England could not offer a united 
front to foreign foes. When she died the citizens of 
London kindled bonfires and rang merry peals of bells. 
A weight was lifted from men's minds, and they began 
to breathe more freely. 

Elizabeth's conduct was most unworthy, but was ex- 
tremely characteristic. She professed that she had never 
intended the warrant to be carried into effect. She ex- 
pressed the greatest indignation against Davison, who was 
brought to trial for contempt, was severely fined, and 
never afterwards received into the royal favour. She put 



172 The Spanish Armada. a.d. 1587. 

on mourning for Mary, and sent excuses to James VI. of 
Scotland. She hoped in this childish way to reap the 
advantage of the deed which had been done, and to avoid 
the responsibility of the blame which it brought. 

Mary's death was a distinct defiance to the Catholic 
powers. Pope Sixtus V. expressed boundless indignation; 
he made Dr. Allen, the founder of the Seminary, a cardi- 
nal ; he offered Philip a large sum of money to help him 
in his invasion of England. On his side, Philip slowly 
bestirred himself ; he furbished up claims of his own to 
the English throne. Mary's death had increased his 
eagerness to attack England by giving him a greater inte- 
rest in the result ; so long as Mary lived he must fight 
in her name ; now he might fight in his own. 

He was, however, restrained during the year 1 587 by 
the unfavourable aspect of affairs in France. The League 
Progress of nao ^ not prospered so well at first as Philip II. 
the League. h ac [ wished. Henry III.'s submission to it 
had been too prompt. It was probable that the moderate 
Catholics might still win the day under the king's leader- 
ship. Their policy was to convert Henry of Navarre, 
the heir-presumptive, to Catholicism, and so to unite 
France under one religion into a powerful kingdom. This 
was opposed entirely to the views of Philip and the 
Leaguers. They wished for the absolute triumph of 
Catholicism under the protection of the King of Spain ; 
they aimed at excluding Henry of Navarre and entirely 
destroying the Huguenots. Until it had been decided 
which of these parties should carry the day, Philip could 
not withdraw his attention from France. 

In 1 587 troops were sent by the German and the Swiss 

War fthe Protestants to the aid of the Huguenots. The 

three campaign that followed has been called the 

1 War of the three Henrys/ for Henry III.,, 

Henry of Navarre, and Henry of Guise each led his own 



a.d. 1587. Position of Henry III. 173 

army into the field. Henry of Navarre was successful at 
Coutras in defeating the army sent against him under the 
command of the Duke of Joyeuse. It was the first battle 
the Huguenots had as yet won, and filled them with hopes 
of their young leader. The French and German troops 
were cut off from joining the Huguenots by the army 
under Henry III., who, being anxious to settle the war 
peaceably, prevailed upon them to withdraw, and carry 
•on no further enterprise against the French crown. The 
Germans projected an attack on Guise, who had his own 
army under his command. Guise was however too strong 
for them ; they were defeated at Auneau, and driven with 
great slaughter out of the kingdom. 

Thus then the Huguenots had been successful, and 
the violent Catholics had also been successful ; but the 
moderate policy of the king seemed to be only p os i t ion of 
half-hearted, and on his return to Paris he met Henry in. 
with a cold reception from the people. His position was 
indeed a false one, as each of the two powerful parties in 
the kingdom had its determined supporters, while the 
king could not make up his mind to ally himself with 
either. He had the confidence of neither party, and in 
Paris an association of the citizens was formed for the 
aid of the Catholic princes. The people of Paris 
were fanatically Catholic ; they had been trained by the 
massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and were ready again 
to act with decision in support of their beliefs. Henry 
of Guise was their idol, and he was a man well fitted to 
be a popular leader. He was an accomplished cavalier 
and a brave soldier ; his appearance was commanding, 
and he had a rare combination of bodily and mental 
vigour. By his frankness and geniality he attached his 
soldiers to himself in the camp ; by his geniality, affa- 
bility, and courtesy, he won the hearts of the people in 
the city. 



174 The Spanish Armada. a .d. 1588. 

The king felt that he was without influence in Paris, 
and that plots were being laid against him. He threa- 
Guise tened vengeance, and the people summoned 

triumphant, the Duke of Guise to come to their protection. 
Against the king's orders Guise entered Paris (May 9, 
1588). The king ordered his Swiss guards, who were 
quartered in the suburbs, to enter the city. The citizens, 
indignant at the threat, rose against them ; the streets 
were defended by barricades, and the dismissal of the 
troops was demanded. Six thousand guards were useless 
against the fury of half a million of people. The guards 
were driven out, and the king fled from the city. Guise 
was left master of Paris (May 12, 1588), and the king 
found himself again obliged to undertake the destruction 
of heresy, and to make Guise lieutenant-general of the 
kingdom. When Philip I I.'s party had won this decisive 
victory in France, he felt that he was free to make his 
attempt upon England. 

Moreover the daring of English seamen made it neces- 
sary for him to take some decided step to vindicate the 
Ex loits of P ower °f Spain at sea. In April 1587 Drake 
Drake. sailed from Plymouth with a fleet of twenty- 

five vessels, and entered the harbour of Cadiz. He de- 
feated the ships sent against him, and destroyed some 
forty or fifty vessels, besides an immense store of pro- 
visions which Philip was preparing for his expedition 
against England. When he had done all the harm he 
could he went on to Cape St. Vincent, where he again 
did much damage to the ships and stores. He meant to 
have continued his voyage to the Azores to wait for the 
Spanish ships coming home from the Indies, but his fleet 
was dispersed by a storm. However, he was still able to 
capture one of the largest of the Spanish ships, the 
San Filifte, laden with treasures from the Indies. With 
this rich prize he returned to Plymouth on June 26. He 



a.d. 1588. Elizabeths Preparations, 175* 

certainly had done his best to ' singe King Philip's beard/ 
as he had vowed to do. The spoil of the San Filipe alone 
paid for the expenses of the expedition, and gave good 
profits to those who had ventured their money to equip it. 
It was intolerable to Philip that these indignities 
should be endured. His preparations were thrown back 
for a time ; but in the end of May 1588 his . 

fleet for the conquest of England put to sea. c ibie 
< The most fortunate and invincible Armada/ Armada - 
as it was called, consisted of a fleet of 132 ships, manned 
by 8,766 sailors and 2,088 galley slaves, and carrying" 
21,855 soldiers, as well as 300 monks, priests, and officers 
of the Inquisition, who were to begin their work of the 
conversion of England the moment the landing was 
effected. The plan was that Alexander of Parma was to 
join them somewhere in the Channel with 17,000 Spanish 
troops from the Netherlands. There would thus be an 
army of 50,000 men for the invasion of England. 

Elizabeth's preparations were sadly deficient. Though, 
she had seen Philip's preparations, she had been lulled 
into security by feigned negotiations of Alex- 
ander of Parma. She seems to have refused, prepara- 
until the danger was actually upon her, to con- tlons - 
template the possibility of an actual encounter with Spain. 
She hoped till the last moment that she might make 
peace for herself by abandoning the Netherlands to 
Philip. When she discovered her delusion preparations 
were still slowly and sparingly made. Neither fleet nor 
army was properly raised or equipped. There were 
only thirty-four ships of the royal navy, containing 6,279 
men. But the seaport towns sent out their vessels, and noble- 
men and gentlemen on every side manned all the ships they 
could and placed them at their country's service. With one 
mind and one purpose England met its peril. If Philip's 
invasion had come earlier, when Mary of Scotland was 



176 The Spanish Armada. a.d. 1588. 

still alive, it might have found England distracted. Now 
that Mary was dead, Philip had no longer any plea by 
which he might appeal to the English people. His inva- 
sion bore no religious character ; it was regarded merely 
as an act of foreign aggression. Catholics as well as 
Protestants gathered round the queen and armed them- 
selves for her defence. 

The Armada was long in reaching England. Its 
4 galleons ' and c galeasses ' were huge unwieldy vessels, 
magnificent for a pageant, but hard to manage either in 
a storm or a fight. They expressed the stately grandeur 
of the Spanish character, as well as its inability to learn 
from the teaching of experience. Three weeks were 
spent in sailing from Lisbon to Cape Finisterre. Not 
till the middle of July were they seen off the Lizard 
point. 

The Lord High Admiral, Lord Charles Howard of 
Effingham, at once put out from Plymouth harbour with 
•sixty ships. Lord Charles Howard, though by no means 
the most experienced sailor at Elizabeth's command, was 
well fitted for his post. He was popular amongst the 
sailors, and was both bold and prudent. Moreover, i he 
had skill enough to know those who had more skill than 
himself, and to follow their instructions, so that the queen 
liad a navy of oak and an admiral of osier. 7 Under him 
served such daring and experienced seamen as Hawkins, 
Drake, and Frobisher, men whose names were already 
a terror to the Spaniards, and who had borne round the 
world the fame of English seamanship and courage. 

The English watched the huge Spanish fleet pass by, 

i very slowly, though with full sails, the winds being, as it 

were, weary with wafting them, and the ocean 

da in tST" groaning under their weight/ Howard allowed 

Channel. ft t0 p ass ^y on i ts wav U p ^g Channel to join 

with Parma. His tactics were to hang upon its rear and 



a.d. 1588. Engagement off Calais. 177 

take advantage of its mishaps with his smaller and 
lighter vessels, which sailed twice as fast as the clumsy 
Spanish ships. The Spaniards wished to force an engage- 
ment, in which they trusted to their superior weight and 
numbers ; but the English could choose their own time to 
advance or retreat. From Saturday, July 20, to Satur- 
day, July 27, the English followed the Spaniards on their 
w^ay to Calais roadsteads, inflicting on them many losses, 
cutting off their stragglers, and taking advantage of all 
their mistakes. On Sunday, July 28, the two fleets faced 
one another. The Spaniards lay off Calais, waiting for 
the arrival of Alexander of Parma ; over against them lay 
the English fleet, increased now to about a hundred and 
forty sail, though the ships were much smaller than the 
heavy Spanish vessels. 

It was no longer possible for the English to put off an 
engagement. If the Spanish fleet were to advance to 
Dunkirk, drive back the ships of the Hoi- Engagement 
landers, which at present guarded the coast off Calais. 
■of the Netherlands and prevented the egress of the Duke 
of Parma, the peril of England would indeed be great. 
This must be prevented ; but the English commanders 
felt how difficult it was for their small ships to destroy 
the huge Spanish galleons. 

' Considering their hugeness,' said Sir William Winter, 
whom the Lord Admiral asked for counsel, 'it will 
not be possible to remove them but by a device.' The de- 
vice was soon contrived ; six of the oldest vessels in the 
fleet were converted into fire-ships, and on Sunday night 
were despatched against the Armada. A wind sprung 
up which drifted them successfully to their destination. 
A panic seized the Spaniards, some of whom had been 
present at the siege of Antwerp, and shuddered at the 
thought of the explosion of Giambelli's infernal machine. 
A cry was raised, ' The fire-ships of Antwerp ! the fire- 

M.H N 



178 The Spanish Armada. a.d. 1588.. 

ships of Antwerp V The terrified sailors cut their cables 
in their eagerness to escape, and the ships fell into confu- 
sion. Some came into collision, some were burnt by the 
fire-ships, the rest were driven by wind and tide north- 
wards along the Flemish coast. 

The English pursued, and on Monday, July 29, there 
was a hot engagement off Gravelines. The English ships 
Fate of the refused to come to close quarters, but poured 
rmada. showers of musketry on the Spanish vessels,. 
while the Spaniards on their part shot badly, and inflicted 
little loss on the English. The Armada suffered severely, 
and as the gale increased became more and more help- 
less before it. The English had soon spent all their 
ammunition, but still gave chase, while the Spaniards 
were driven on up the North Sea. At last Lord Howard, 
who had neither powder, shot, nor provisions, thought 
that he had ' put on a brave countenance ' long enough. 
As he returned on Sunday, August 4, there blew a tre- 
mendous gale, which scattered his fleet for a while, but 
they all arrived safely in Margate roads at last. The 
Spaniards fared more severely in the northern seas. Some 
were driven on the shores of Norway, some were wrecked 
on the coast of Scotland, some on Ireland. The miserable 
remnant of the fleet, after being driven by the tempest 
round the Hebrides, at last reached Spain early in October. 
Fifty-three ships only out of the hundred and thirty-two 
i 0,000 men out of the 30,000, found their way home. 

Philip's projected invasion had hopelessly failed, 
mainly because no steps were taken to secure the junc- 
Cause of t ^ on between the troops of Parma and the 
failure. fleet of Medina- Sidonia. The enterprise was 
skilfully devised, but it was ponderous, and admitted of 
no modification if any calculation failed. It fell in pieces 
before the bold and rapid attacks of the light English 
vessels and the fury of the elements, neither of which it 



a.d. 1588. Importance of the Crisis. 179 

was adapted to face. If the Armada had effected a 
landing, and had conveyed Alexander of Parma to 
England, it is impossible to say what would have been 
the result. Elizabeth's land forces had gathered at Til- 
bury, under the command of Leicester, to defend London; 
but they were only raw recruits, ill-fitted to face the vete- 
rans of Spain under such a general as Parma. Elizabeth 
in the hour of need showed true Tudor spirit. She went 
herself among her troops, and when her counsellors, 
through fear of Catholic plots, begged her not to show 
herself in public, ' Let tyrants fear/ she answered ; c I 
have always so behaved myself that, under God, I have 
placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal 
hearts and goodwill of my subjects ; and therefore I am 
come amongst you, as you see, resolved in the midst and 
heat of battle to live or die amongst you all. I know 
that I have the body but of a weak and feeble woman, 
but I have the heart of a king, and of a king of 
England too/ The volunteers at Tilbury were stirred 
to deep enthusiasm ; but it was well that England's 
fleet saved her from the risk of trusting to Leicester's 
generalship and the undisciplined valour of recruits. 

The Armada had failed, and its failure marked a 
decisive moment in the history of Europe. It told that 
the power of Spain was declining, and that i mpor tance 
England had again risen to be a great power " of the crisis - 
in Europe. But this was a result not seen at once. 
Philip himself received the news of the fate of the 
Armada with his usual constancy ; he did not change 
countenance. ' I sent it,' he said, ' against man, not 
against the billows. I thank God, by whose generous 
hand I am gifted with such power that I could easily, if 
I chose, place another fleet upon the seas.' He did not 
give up his design, but only resolved to make the next 
attempt more wisely. But there is a tide in the affairs of 

N 2 



i8o Reaction against Spain, a.d. 1588 

men, and Philip was never destined to have ' leisure or 
means for another attempt. Affairs in France claimed 
his attention. A reaction against the power of Spain set 
in throughout Europe. England could wreak on Spain a 
ruinous revenge, and Philip dragged Spain into hopeless 
bankruptcy by his great schemes, which were always on 
the verge of succeeding but always missed that complete 
success which alone was worth having. 



CHAPTER III. 

REACTION AGAINST SPAIN. 



Philip's schemes were destined to similar failure in 
France. We have seen how entirely the power of the 
League had won the day at the begining of 1588. Henry 
III. was obliged to summon the Estates at Blois, and to 
submit to many limitations upon the royal power ; war 
was to be resumed against Henry of Navarre. The king 
found himself merely a tool in the hands of the Duke of 
Guise and his party. 

This position was intolerable to him, as a similar 
position had been intolerable to his mother, Catharine, 
when the Huguenot, Coligny, was endeavouring 
tion of to mould the policy of the French monarchy. 

Guise. Henry resolved, as his mother had done, to 

free himself of his dangerous rival by assassination. On 
December 23, 1588, Guise was summoned to the king's 
chamber, and was murdered on entering it by some of 
the king's body-guard, while the king awaited the accom- 
plishment of the deed. Great was the fury of the people. 
Paris took the first step, and refused any longer to 
recognise a king who had broken his word to the harm of 



i 5 8 9 . 



The French Succession, 1 8 1 



the Catholic faith. All the great towns of France 
followed the example of the capital, and the Duke of 
Mayenne, brother of the murdered Guise, placed himself 
at the head of the confederates. Open war broke out 
between the king and the League. 

Henry III. by himself would have been powerless 
against this opposition ; but Henry of Navarre with his 
small army of well-trained soldiers marched 
to his aid. Tolerance to the Huguenots was tion of 
again proclaimed by the king. The Catholic Henr y IIL 
royalists slowly gathered round him, and the contest lay 
between the principles of monarchy and tolerance on the 
one side, and the exclusive principle of Catholicism on 
the other. In July 1589 Henry III. found himself 
strong enough to lay siege to Paris. The League trusted 
to assistance from the Duke of Parma in the Netherlands ; 
for Philip's cause was so closely allied with it that the 
subjugation of the Netherlands was now secondary to 
the success of his scheme in France. But the assas- 
sination of Guise was to produce its fruits. A fanatical 
Dominican priest, Jacques Clement, was so moved by a 
papal admonition denouncing Henry IIL, that he decided 
it was no sin for a priest to kill a tyrant. On August 2, 
1589, he obtained an interview with the king, and 
stabbed him. 

The question of the succession to the French throne 
was now a matter of supreme importance. The heir- 
presumptive was the Huguenot Henrv of ' 

f _ . . . . .. _ * Question of 

Navarre ; against him was brought forward the French 
the candidate of the League, the Cardinal of succession - 
-Bourbon. If it was worth Philip's while to interfere 
before in French affairs to gain influence for Spain, it 
was now a matter of vital importance for him to prevent 
the accession to the French throne of a man not only 
opposed to him in religion, but also an hereditary foe to 



1 82 Reaction against Spain. a.d. 1589. 

the Spanish house. Henceforth to the end' of his reign 
Philip's energies were directed to the repression of Henry 
of Navarre. 

But it was now England's turn to assume an attitude 
of aggression against Spain. The spirit of naval adven- 
England's ture, which had already grown high in England, 
naval war received fresh vigour from the results of the 

against ° 

Spain. Armada fight. Hostility to Spain became a 

passion in adventurous minds, and any plan for an attack 
upon the Spaniards was received with enthusiasm. Early 
in 1589 an expedition against Spain was sent out under 
the command of Sir John Norris and Sir Francis Drake. 
Don Antonio, the pretender to the crown of Portugal, 
accompanied them, for he hoped that his presence 
would stir the Portuguese to revolt against Philip. The 
fleet, consisting of some 50 vessels and 15,000 men, landed 
first at Corunna, where they burned the ships in the 
harbour and then proceeded to besiege the city ; the 
lower town surrendered, but the upper town was too 
strongly fortified to be taken by storm. Moreover a 
Spanish army of 15,000 men marched to the relief of 
the town ; the English, 7,000 strong, met them about five 
miles from Corunna, and after a short but sharp encounter 
repulsed and pursued them with great slaughter. 

These exploits were brilliant, but fruitless for the main 
object of the expedition, and Elizabeth was angry that 
Drake had not at once proceeded to Lisbon, 
against At length, however, he passed on thither, being 

Lisbon. joined on his way by transports, with which 

came a noble volunteer, the young Robert Devereux, Earl 
of Essex, then at the age of twenty-two. Essex was 
now Elizabeth's chief favourite ; he had been commended 
to her by Leicester, who was afraid of the growing in- 
fluence of Sir Walter Raleigh. After Leicester's death, 
which took place immediately after the repulse of the 
Armada, Essex held the chief place in the queen's 



Suu. 1589. Expedition against Lisbon. 



183 



.affections. But the ambitious youth of twenty-two found 
at hard to curb his high spirit within the narrow bounds 
required to pay court to a mistress who was approaching 
the age of sixty. He had longed to join this expedition, 
.but had been prevented by the queen's express commands 
to Drake and Norris to send him back from Plymouth. 
He had, however, managed after all to elude the royal 
vigilance and go forth upon his quest for martial glory. 

Norris landed in the middle of May at Peniche, 
about forty miles from Lisbon. Drake sailed up the 




Tagus to join him against Lisbon. But Norris found 
it hopeless to take Lisbon. His troops were suffering 
from sickness, brought on by intemperance at Corunna ; 
the Portuguese did not rally, as had been expected, 
round Don Antonio, whose name brought only a few un- 
armed peasants : the English had no cannon to batter 
the town. Norris marched back and joined Drake at 
Cascaes, at the mouth of the Tagus, where they took the 
fort and seized sixty vessels belonging to the Hanse 



184 Reaction against Sj>ain. a.d. 159a 

Towns that lay in the harbour laden with provisions* 
After some more pillage along the coast the English 
returned home. 

The expedition had been a failure in its main object,, 
and there had been great loss of life through sickness- 
Yet the English had shown how vulnerable 
naval ad- Spain was, and had defeated a Spanish army 
venture. on - ts Qwn g rounc [. The name of Spain was 

no longer a terror to the English mind ; it was rather a 
symbol of everything that Protestant England condemned* 
A crusading spirit against Spain and the Inquisition was 
mingled with a desire for glory and a thirst for gain, and 
sent the English youth to seek adventures in irregular 
warfare. Private adventurers, merchants, and gentlemen, 
all fitted up vessels for this fierce naval war, and the 
daring deeds of English seamen filled the Spaniards with 
surprise that soon gave way to alarm. The Spanish 
waters were no longer safe. In 1590 ten English mer- 
chantmen, on their way home from Venice, defeated 
twelve huge Spanish war galleys which had been sent 
against them in the Straits of Gibraltar. The merchant 
ships of England were more than a match for the war 
ships of Spain ; Spanish galleys and merchantmen alike 
were at the mercy of English privateers, which scoured 
the seas at their will. 

The noblest of these privateers was George Clifford, 
Earl of Cumberland, who strove by ventures at sea to 
repair his fortunes, which he had shattered by prodigality* 
He was renowned for knightly prowess in tournaments, 
and once as he kneeled before the queen to receive the 
prize she dropped her glove, which he thenceforward wore 
as a favour, encircled with diamonds; but in spite of this 
royal graciousness he refused to borrow the queen's ships 
for His expeditions, as he knew the thrifty Elizabeth would 
reckon hardly with him for any losses. 



-1595* Colonising Expeditions. 185 

The queen indeed never failed to demand from these 
adventurers that their expeditions should be directly 
profitable to the royal coffers. When in 1590 Hawkins 
made an unsuccessful voyage, so that his prizes did not 
pay for the expenses, he made a humble apology to the 
queen, in which he said, ' Paul might plant and Apollos 
might water, but it was God only that gave the increase.' 
6 This fool/ testily exclaimed Elizabeth, ( went out a 
soldier, and is come home a divine.' 

This temper of the queen was reflected in all others 
who engaged in naval adventures. When the first fear 
of Spain had passed away, these expeditions Colonising 
took too exclusively the character of free- expeditions. 
booting, and lost their more definite political significance. 
The desire for gain outweighed with the younger genera- 
tion of English seamen the desire of crippling Spain.. 
There was, however, one man, Sir Walter Raleigh, who 
represented throughout his life the principle of statesman- 
like opposition to Spain in its distant colonies. This 
principle he always urged in Parliament, and brought 
forward fresh schemes of colonisation in opposition to 
Spain. He it was who first colonised Virginia (1584), 
though the settlement failed for want of proper manage- 
ment and proper support. In 1592 he penetrated to, the: 
isthmus of Darien ; but his plans were stopped by a mes- 
sage from the queen ordering him to return., Elizabeth 
disgraced her favourite for having dared to' marry 
secretly one of her maids of honour, Elizabeth Throg- 
morton. In 1595 he made an expedition to Guiana in 
search of El Dorado, the fabled land of gold. His 
persistent hostility to Spain made his death a peace- 
offering which the pacific policy of James I. did not 
hesitate to make. 

The temper of these English seamen may be illus- 
trated by the conduct of Sir Richard Grenville. His one 



1 86 Reaction against Spain. a.d. 1589 

ship, the ' Revenge/ faced a Spanish fleet of fifty vessels, 
nearly all of them twice as large as his own. From three 
o'clock in the afternoon till daybreak next morning did 
Grenville hold out against them all. Time after time a 
huge Spanish ship attempted to board him and was 
driven back. At last all his powder was spent, the pikes 
all broken ; of his crew of a hundred men forty were 
killed and the rest all wounded. Grenville could fight 
no more, but he would not surrender. The Spaniards 
offered honourable terms, and Grenville was taken on 
board the Spanish admiral's ships, saying l that they 
might do with his body what they list, for he esteemed it 
not.' In a few hours he died, amid the respectful cares of 
the Spanish nobles, saying, < Here die I, Richard Gren- 
ville, with a joyful and a quiet mind, for that I have ended 
my life as a good soldier ought to do, who has fought 
for his country and his queen, for honour and religion.' 

This was the spirit which opposition to Spain awoke 
in England, the spirit which beat back Philip and filled 
England with a strong and vigorous national life. 

Meanwhile Philip's interest was fixed upon affairs in 

France. The death of Henry III. had opened out a wide . 

_, prospect for the aggrandisement of Spain. 

Philip 11. £,, x . . s f ■ 1 1 

and the The League 111 its fanatical attachment to 

League. Catholicism had almost entirely lost the feel- 

ing of nationality. Its members looked to Philip as the 
head of the Catholic party in Europe. They proclaimed 
the Cardinal of Bourbon king under the title of Charles 
X. ; but Philip was to be recognised as Protector of 
France. Here was a prospect peculiarly suited to 
Philip's policy ; France might be absorbed as a province 
in the Spanish monarchy, which would then be a great 
organisation for the entire re -establishment of Catholicism 
throughout Europe. 

In opposition to the League Henry of Navarre as- 



-1590. Character of Henry IV. 187 

sumed the title of King Henry IV. He was of course sup- 
ported by the Huguenots ; but the Catholics , 
who had adhered to Henry III. were sorely religious po- 
perplexed. They did not wish to give up the sltlon " 
hereditary rights of the monarchy, but they could not 
•consent to see the monarchy severed from Catholicism. 
Henry IV. gave them to understand that he was not ob- 
stinate in his adherence to Protestantism ; he was willing 
6 to be further instructed.' Henry was not a man of deep 
religious principle. He had been brought up by his mother 
.as a Huguenot ; after the massacre of St. Bartholomew's 
Day he had conformed to Catholicism, and had lived 
.a gay, careless life at court. When things were a little 
more favourable he had again joined the Huguenots. 
So long as he was a prince of the blood he thought he had 
a right to hold his own opinions and to enjoy his political 
rights at the same time. But now that the rights of the 
monarchy had descended to him, things were changed. 
His first duty, he conceived, was to save the French 
crown, and again to unite the French nation. He looked 
upon religion with the eye of a statesman ; if the prin- 
ciple of Catholicism were held by the French people to be 
a necessary element in the monarchy, he must not 
lightly set up against their wish the traditions of his early 
education. 

On this understanding the greater part of the Catho- 
lic royalists still held by him. But his chances seemed 
almost hopeless. Henry IV. was, however, character of 
admirably fitted to fight a difficult game. Al- Henr y IV - 
ways good-natured, amiable, and gay, he won men's 
hearts and inspired them with confidence. He was a 
brave and dashing soldier, to whom generalship seemed 
almost an instinct. Under an air of reckless good hu- 
mour and unthinking jollity he hid a cool and calculating 
brain. While seeming to live for the moment he never 



1 88 Reaction against Spain. a.d. 1590 

forgot the end which he had before ' him. He believed, 
profoundly, with an almost religious fervour, in the justice 
of his cause. He was determined to succeed, and knew~ 
the importance of every small success in helping to- 
wards his end. He was, moreover, entirely free from 
pedantry, and was prepared to make any necessary sacri- 
fice that could help his cause. He was soon supported 
by the popular opinion of Europe ; for Philip's schemes- 
awoke the profoundest alarm. The idea of the balance 
of power was beginning to prevail in European politics,, 
and this idea demanded the existence of France as an 
independent power. Even Pope Sixtus V. was not wil- 
ling to see the triumph of Catholicism purchased at the 
price of establishing the absolute power of Spain in 
Europe. Philip represented a party which was more- 
orthodox than the head of the Church. 

Henry IV. began his campaign in 1590 by besieging 
Dreux. The army of the League was led to its relief by 
Campaign tne Duke °f Mayenne, brother of the murdered 
of 1590. Guise. The armies met in the plain of Yvry,. 

where the royalists were victorious mainly through the 
desperate valour of Henry himself, who at once advanced 
to the siege of Paris. The city was ill prepared to- 
stand a siege, and was almost reduced to starvation 
when Alexander of Parma advanced to its relief with 
his army from the Netherlands. He was bitterly 
disappointed at being stopped in his plans for the sub- 
jugation of that country by Philip's orders to advance 
into France. For a while the Netherlands had time to 
gather together their strength, and France became the 
battle-field of opposition to Spain. Henry IV. broke off 
the siege of Paris, and trusting to his cavalry, composed 
almost entirely of French nobles, wished to force Alex- 
ander of Parma to a battle. But Parma was a more ex- 
perienced general than Henry ; he out-manoeuvred him 



_i592. Campaign of 1591-2. 189 

and refused to fight, till the nobles of Henry's army grew 
weary of waiting and his forces dispersed. Parma having 
■done his work of relieving Paris retired to the Nether- 
lands. 

The death of the titular Charles X. during the siege 
increased the influence of Spain. The Leaguers had no 
one whom they could set up as king against 

-TTT1 it -i r» -i Philip's in- 

Henry IV. ; they could trust only to Spanish fluence in 
help. Their scheme was to confer the French France - 
Idngdom on the Infanta Isabella, Philip's daughter by his 
third wife, Elizabeth, daughter of Henry II. of France. 
Philip demanded that he should himself choose for her a 
liusband who should at once be acknowledged as king of 
France. 

Meanwhile France seemed likely to be again split up ; 
every province was fought for by two nobles, one on the 
side of the League, one of Henry IV. To campaign 
help the League in Brittany Philip sent a body of x 59*"2. 
of Spanish troops. The presence of the Spaniards on 
the coast opposite to England awoke the liveliest alarm 
in Elizabeth, and made her more ready to send troops to 
the help of Henry. At her urgent desire, Henry, in the 
winter of 159 1, laid siege to Rouen ; but when he seemed 
likely to take it, the experience of his last campaign was 
again repeated. Alexander of Parma marched to its 
relief; Henry was obliged to raise the siege of Rouen, 
and was again out-generalled by Alexander in his 
attempts to cut off his retreat. The campaign of 1 591-2 
Trad been made useless to Henry IV. by the military 
genius of Alexander Farnese. 

But in December 1592 Parma died at Arras, and 
Philip had no general whom he could set against Henry 
IV. for the future. Moreover the cause of the _ . . 

t i • j • t- -t-t_ Reaction in 

League was losing ground in r ranee. The favour of 
public opinion of Europe was beginning to tell, Henr y IV 



190 Reaction against Spain. a.d. 1594. 

and the Republic of Venice had recognised Henry IV. in 
spite of papal admonitions. The party of the League in 
France itself was no longer unanimous. The question of 
the marriage of the Infanta Isabella raised jealousies ; 
Philip first proposed as her husband his cousin the 
Archduke Ernest, brother of the Emperor Rudolph ; but 
he was distasteful to the French, as he might one day 
become Emperor. Next Philip seemed to favour Charles 
of Guise, son of the murdered duke ; but Mayenne was 
in no way desirous to see his nephew raised to power at 
his own expense. Since his brother's death he had been 
regarded as the head of the League, and he was not 
prepared to resign that position to his nephew. Amid 
the difficulties which had now sprung up, the moderate 
party of the Politicians was daily gathering strength 
against the fanatical Leaguers. The Parliament of Paris 
sent an admonition to the Duke of Mayenne to 
prevent the crown from passing into the hands of a 
foreigner. The distance of Spain prevented it from 
sending efficient military help to the League. Henry IV. 
drew nearer to the Catholics ; he was prepared to change 
his religion for the purpose of securing his position as 
king of France. It was not, however, to the fierce 
Catholicism of the League that Henry IV. could possibly 
go over ; it was to the moderate religious views of the 
royalist clergy, who were willing to grant toleration to 
the Huguenots as a condition of winning over the king 
to Catholicism. On July 23, 1593, Henry was solemnly 
received into the bosom of the Church by the 
becomes a' Archbishop of Bourges in the church of St. 
Cathohc. Denis. He at once reaped the fruit of his 
conversion : many who could never have deserted the 
League to join a heretic now came over to his side. The 
French national spirit revived and took him for its 
champion. In March 1594 the gates of Paris were 



a.d. 1594- Conversion of Henry IV. 191 

opened to Henry, and before the end of the year the Duke 
of Mayenne had made terms with him. Henry had still 
many difficulties to face before he had made his position 
as king of France quite secure ; but Philip's project of 
making France a dependency of the Spanish crown had 
failed in spite of its apparent nearness to success. 



ig2 English Life in Elizabeths Reign. 



BOOK VII. 
ENGLAND AFTER THE ARMADA, 



CHAPTER I. 

ENGLISH LIFE IN ELIZABETH'S REIGN. 

The repulse of the Spanish Armada marks the period 
in Elizabeth's reign when the national spirit rose to its 
English highest point. England, which had long been 

character. weighed down by doubts and fears, awoke to 
a consciousness of its true position. Internal conflicts 
and differences of opinion ceased to be of importance in 
face of the great danger which threatened all alike. 
Englishmen felt, as they .had never done before, their 
community of interests, their real national unity. Hatred 
of Spain became a deep feeling in the English mind, and 
when combined with religious zeal and the desire for 
adventure produced that spirit of restless and reckless 
daring which so strongly marks the English character at 
this time. Nowhere is the outcome of awakened national 
feeling more finely expressed than in the lines which 
Shakespeare puts into the mouth of the dying Gaunt : 

This royal throne of kings, this sceptred isle, 
This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars, 



Prosperity of England. 193 

This other Eden, demi paradise : 
This fastness built by Nature for herself 
Against infection, and the hand of war ; 
This happy breed of men, this little world : 
This precious stone, set in the silver sea, 
Which serves it in the office of a wall 
Or as a moat defensive to a house, 
Against the envy of less happier lands. 

Moreover England under Elizabeth's careful rule had 
rapidly increased in wealth and prosperity. It was free 
from war when all the rest of Europe was 
engaged in deadly struggle. The queen was increased 
thrifty and provident, so that industry was not P ros P erlt y- 
crippled by heavy taxes. The troubles in the Nether- 
lands threw great commercial advantages into the hands 
of the English which they were not slow in using. 
Increasing national prosperity went together with increas- 
ing national spirit, and England made rapid strides during 
the eventful forty-five years of Elizabeth's reign. One 
way in which this showed itself was in the great advance 
of literature. Men's tongues seemed to be loosened ; they 
felt and expressed interests of every kind. No longer 
were some things only of importance, but all things that 
concerned man and his life and feelings were felt to be 
worthy of record. Hence it is that we know so much 
more of Elizabeth's times than we do of those that went 
before, and that we have materials for a sketch of the 
social life and manners of the people. 

The increase of wealth produced a greater desire for 
comfort, and Elizabeth's reign was marked by a great 
progress in all the refinements and appliances Architec- 
of daily life. Amongst the nobles the sense ture - 
of peace and security, joined with the, desire for greater 
grandeur, led to a change in the character of their 
residences. The fortified castle was re-modelled into a 
m.h. O 



194 English Life in Elizabeths Reign. 

palace, though still retaining its old appearance. This 
was the case with Kenilworth Castle, inside whose 
frowning battlements was a magnificent palace with 
every requirement of luxury. 

New mansions were also erected all over England by 
the gentry who wished to live in a manner suitable to 
their dignity. No age has left a more decided mark on 
our domestic architecture than the age of the Tudors. 
The Gothic architecture of the middle ages had given 
way before the revival of the classical style which 
spread from Italy. The mixture of Gothic and classical 
architecture produced the stately yet simple Elizabethan 
mansions of which such admirable examples remain in 
Hatfield, Longleat, Audley. End, Holland House, and 
Knowle. Country houses generally were built of brick 
or stone instead of wood'; glass took the place of lattices. 

* Of old time/ says Harrison in his Description of England, 

* our countrie houses instead of glass did use much lattise, 
and that made either of wicker or fine rifts of oke in 
checkerwise. But now our lattises are also growne into 
lesse use, because glass is come to be so plentifulle, and 
within a verie little so good cheape if not better than 
the other. The wals of our houses on the inner side 
be either hanged with tapistrie, arras worke, or painted 
cloths, wherein either diverse histories, or herbes, beasts, 
.and such like are stained, or else they are seeled with 
<@ke of our own or wainscot brought hither out of the 
east countries. As for stooves we have not hitherto used 
them greatlie, yet doo they now begin to be made in 
diverse houses of the gentrie.' When the Spaniards in 
Queen Mary's days saw the English houses, they said, 

* These English have houses made of sticks and dirt, but 
they fare commonly as well as the king/ This reproach 
was no longer true in Elizabeth's time. 

The luxury of comfort also made rapid progress. 



Furniture. 195 

* There are old men/ says Harrison, ' yet dwelling in the 
tillage where I remaine, which have noticed increase of 
three things to be marvellouslie altered in comfort. 
England in this their remembrance. One is the multi- 
tude of chimnies latelie erected, whereas in their young 
daies there were not above two or three, if so manie, in 
uplandish townes of the realme. Another is the great 
.amendment of lodging, for our fathers have lien full oft 
upon straw pallets, and a good round log under their 
heads instead of a bolster or pillow. The third thing 
they tell of, is the exchange of vessel, as of treene 
{wooden) platters into pewter, and wodden spoones into 
silver or tin. Such also was their povertie, that if some one 
od farmer or husbandman had been at the alehouse 
among six or seven of his neighbours, and there in brave- 
Tie to show what store he had, did cast down his purse, 
and therein six shillings of silver, it was very likelie that 
all the rest could not laie down so much against it : 
whereas in my time the farmer will thinke his gaines verie 
small towards the end of his terme, if he have not six or 
seven yeares rent lieing by him, beside a fair garnish of 
pewter on his cupboard, with so much more in od vessels 
.going about the house, three or foure feather beds, so 
manie coverlids and carpets of tapestrie, a silver salt, a 
bowle for wine, and a dozzen spoones to furnish up the 
sute. ? 

The rich furniture and decorations of the rooms in 
noblemen's houses is described by Shake- 
speare in Cymbeline : — 

Her bedchamber was hanged 
With tapestry of silk and silver : the story 
Proud Cleopatra, when she met her Roman, 
And Cydnus swelled above the banks, or for 
The press of boats, or pride : a piece of work 
So bravely done, so rich, that it did strive 



Furniture. 



196 English Life in Elizabeth's Reign. 

In workmanship and value. The chimney 
Is south the chamber ; and the chimney-piece 
Chaste Dian bathing. The roof of the chamber 
With golden cherubins is fretted ; her andirons 
(I had forgot them) were two winking Cupids 
Of silver, each on one foot standing, nicely 
Depending on their brands. 

Carpets were not yet much known or used, and the floors, 
were strewed with rushes ; thus Romeo says : — 

Let wantons light of heart 
Tickle the senseless rushes with their heels. 

In food, and in the exercise of hospitality, the English 
were profuse. The usual fare of a gentleman, says Har- 
rison, ' was four, five, or six dishes when they 
have but small resort.' There were many- 
kinds of meat, and ' for a man to taste of every dish 
that standeth before him is rather to yield unto a conspi- 
racy with a great deal of meat for the speedy suppression 
of natural health, than the natural use of a necessary 
means to satisfy himself with a competent repast to sustain 
his body withal. 7 The great men dined in state at a 
high table in their hall, while their dependants sat at 
lower tables ; the remnants of their dinner were given to 
the poor. Venetian glass, which was a rarity, was the 
favourite substance of their drinking vessels. Fifty-six 
sorts of French wines were imported into England, and 
thirty kinds of Italian, Greek, Spanish, and Canary wines. 
Drunkenness was then, as always, a characteristic feature 
of the English people. China dishes and plates were 
beginning to be known. Knives for eating purposes only 
began commonly to take the place of fingers in 1563, and 
forks were not used before 161 1. The times for meals were 
strangely different from our present custom ; the gentry 
dined at eleven and supped at five, the farmers dined at 
one and supped at seven. 



Dress. 197 

Dress was remarkable in this age for its splendour 
^and magnificence ; the vanity of the queen set an ex- 
ample of profusion which was almost univer- 
sally followed, and which excited the anger 
of many Puritan satirists. Even then the English had 
no distinctive dress of their own, but followed foreign 
fashions without much taste. Every kind of dress was 
in vogue, and on great occasions there was a strange 
mixture of costumes. French, German, and Spanish 
dresses varied with c Moorish gowns and barbarian 
sleeves/ Different patterns were adopted for dressing 
the hair and trimming the beard. Some men wore ear- 
rings, ' whereby they imagine the workmanship of God to 
be not a little amended. 7 Ruffs made of lawn or cambric 
were worn by both sexes ; they were stiffened with starch 
and wire and were edged with gems. Queen Elizabeth 
left at her death a wardrobe of three thousand gowns, 
made of the richest materials ; they were of enormous 
bulk, and were stuffed and padded so as to stand off from 
the body. Gentlemen's breeches and doublets were simi- 
larly padded to an uncomfortable size ; over these they 
wore cloaks ' of silk, velvet, damask, or other precious 
stuff/ embroidered with gold or silver and buttoned at the 
shoulder. It was not uncommon for a courtier to ' put 
on a thousand oaks and an hundred oxen into a suit of 
apparel, to wear a whole manor on his back/ 

The title of ' merrie England ' was not a meaningless 
one in Elizabeth's time. Nothing can give a stronger 
testimony to the strength of the wave of Puri- Festivals in 
tan feeling which swept over England in the the country, 
next century than to see how entirely it destroyed the 
many games and festivities which before were common 
throughout the land, and so stamped upon English life the 
-somewhat hard and joyless aspect which it still wears. In 
the country the festivities of Christmas, New Year's Day, 



198 English Life in Elizabeth's Reign. 

Twelfth Night, Plough Monday, Candlemas, Shrove 
Tuesday, Easter, May Day, and many others, were all 
celebrated with curious pageants and old traditional cus- 
toms of merry-making. Each district had some historic 
festival which it commemorated by some rude pageant. 
The Morris dancers, Maid Marian and Little John, the 
show of the Hobbyhorse and the Dragon, and other per- 
formances of that kind, awoke the anger of the Puritans, 
who saw in them remnants of paganism and superstition. 
Sundays were the holidays of the week, when every vil- 
lage had its games and social recreations. Wakes, fairs, 
and weddings were all occasions of sports and jollity. 

Dancing, archery, and bear-baiting were favourite 
amusements in the capital. There the fashionable pro- 
^ , . , , menade was the middle aisle of St. Paul's 

fashionable . 1 . . 

life in cathedral, where the young man of fashion 

London. would order his tailor to meet him with pat- 
terns ; for the dark little shops were ill-suited for the dis- 
play of goods. There by his remarks in public the dandy 
could get credit for his taste from passers by before he 
appeared in his new suit at all. Before dinner he walked 
in one dress, after dinner he returned in another. If he 
wished to attract especial attention he mounted the steps 
of the quire while service was going on. That was for- 
bidden, and one of the quire boys at once left his place 
to exact a fine ; then could the dandy amaze the congre- 
gation by the splendour of his ' perfumed embroidered- 
purse/ from which in a lordly way he would i quoit into 
the boy's hands that it was heard above the first lesson,, 
although it were read in a voice as big as one of the great 
organs/ After this edifying display he would look into 
the bookseller's if he were of a literary turn of mind; if 
not, he would visit the tobacconist's ; for tobacco, which 
was first brought to England by Sir Walter Raleigh in. 
1586, had already become popular. 



The Theatre. 199 

As an amusement for the evening was the theatre, 
which first sprang into popularity during Elizabeth's 
reign. The stirring bustling time awoke an _, , 

. fe .11.1 r , • • i The theatre. 

interest in the display of the activity and 
power of human life. The spirit of adventure felt a 
desire for satisfaction in the contemplation of the strug- 
gles of men against destiny, of the soul against its sur- 
roundings. The bands of players kept by the queen and 
noblemen for the performance of masques and pageants 
at their own festivities began to give public performances. 
The people needed something to supply the old Miracle 
Plays which the Reformation had stopped. Public thea- 
tres quickly increased in number. At first they were rude 
enough, and were in shape reproductions of the court- 
yard of an inn, which first had been the place for dramatic 
representations. The ( groundlings ? of the pit stood 
unprotected from the weather ; the boxes and the stage 
only were covered. The stage was divided into two parts 
by a balcony, and thus a simple kind of scenery was se- 
cured. At first plays were only allowed on Sunday 
evenings, but soon the players ' made four or five Sundays 
every week.' A penny or two -pence admitted to the pit 
and gallery ; a shilling to the more privileged parts of 
the house. There were no women actors, and female 
parts were always performed by boys ; but the spectators 
needed few external helps to give the words a meaning, 
and rouse their interest in the problem of human life and 
passion which the drama brought before them. 

As regards the ordinary occupations of the English, 
commerce and naval enterprise greatly increased the 
number of those who could find industrial The poor- 
employment. As a consequence of this the laws - 
distress amongst the poor population in the country 
slowly diminished. The * sturdy beggars/ who, during 
the last three reigns had infested the country almost like 



200 English Life in Elizabeth's Reign. 

banditti, were more easily put down in quieter times. 
The first step towards dealing with them fairly was to 
make provision for those who were really sick and desti- 
tute. A weekly collection was made in all parish churches 
for the benefit of the poor of the parish. When this was 
insufficient the justices were empowered to make an as- 
sessment for the purpose. Workhouses and hospitals 
began gradually to be built. Finally the system of parish 
relief for the poor was established on the present basis 
by a statute passed in 1601, which enacted that houses of 
correction be erected in every county, and provided for 
the maintenance of the poor by means of a rate, which 
was to be collected and distributed by overseers of the 
poor. In this way poverty was provided for, and the 
number of vagrants began slowly to decrease. But se- 
verity was still used against them, and not less than 300 
of these disturbers of the peace were hanged yearly. It 
is computed that there were no fewer than 10,000 of these 
vagabonds in England, engaged sometimes in begging, 
with many devices to excite compassion, sometimes thiev- 
ing, sometimes infesting the roads in bands, and using 
violence to the passers by. Their number diminished but 
slowly, as it was not easy for them to get employment. 
There was no great increase in the demand for agricultu- 
ral labourers, and in the towns trade was rigidly guarded 
by the guilds. No man could practise a craft who was 
not a member of a guild, and had not served a regu- 
lar apprenticeship. The apprentices were a powerful 
body in London; they were always ready to interfere in a 
disturbance, and the cry of ' Clubs ! ' would bring forth a 
small army of them, ready to take part in any riot that 
arose. 

Occupa- The occupations for aspiring gentlemen are 

tions. noted by Shakespeare: — 



Literary Activity. 20 1 

Men of slender reputation 
Put forth their sons to seek preferment out : 
Some to the wars to try their fortunes there ; 
Some to discover islands far away : 
Some to the studious universities. 

To these we must add the difficult and perilous road to 
fortune by seeking court favour. Those whose position 
did not give them this opportunity, or who chafed under 
its restrictions, could find employment in the Nether- 
lands, in France, or in naval expeditions against Spain. 
Others could go on voyages of discovery either in the 
Arctic regions or in the Indian seas. Those who preferred 
more studious pursuits studied in Paris, in Germany, or 
in Italy. Italy especially still exercised a powerful influ- 
ence, over which the English moralists bewail. ' There 
be the enchantments of Circe/ says Roger Ascham, 
6 brought out of Italy to mar men's manners in England, 
much by example of ill life, but more by precepts of fond 
books.' 



CHAPTER II. 

THE ELIZABETHAN LITERATURE. 

Amid the varied activity of Elizabeth's reign, English 
literature burst forth in its most vigorous form. No sub- 
ject is more profitless for speculation than an „ 

J . , r ,. Causes of 

attempt to assign the causes for literary ac- literary 
tivity. But one thought certainly suggests actlvlt y- 
itself. Literature is concerned with the expression of in- 
dividual thought, and the age which from any circum- 
stances or conditions forces upon man the conception of 
his own individual power and force, prompts him also to 
•express that conception in the most forcible language. 
We have seen how the age of Elizabeth brought upon 



202 The Elizabethan Literature. 

England a consciousness of its national greatness, and 
awoke in the minds of individual Englishmen a feel- 
ing of their own power. Men felt the greatness of the 
world and the importance of the issues before them ; 
they felt also in those adventurous days how much each 
man could do for himself. Their ambition was bound- 
less, and success awaited their own courage or clever- 
ness or address. They felt their own importance and 
they knew their own strength. 

Moreover, with increased leisure and increased com- 
fort men had more time for cultivation. The revival of 
increase of letters which had begun in Italy in the pre- 
learmng. ceding century had been slow in taking root 
in England. The troubled times had prevented the spread 
of learning, and Germany and France had advanced 
more rapidly than England. Grammar schools had been 
established by Henry VIII. and Edward VI., and slowly 
produced their fruit. But under Mary learning had de- 
cayed ; the universities were almost at their lowest point, 
for knowledge was sacrificed to disputation, and the fear 
of persecution cramped the freedom of thought. Under 
Elizabeth the universities at once began to revive ; the 
queen was most anxious for their progress, and encouraged 
them by her presence. 

The influence of Italian literature soon made itself 
felt in England. Already, under Henry VIII., had 
Influence of sprung up two ' courtly makers ' as Putten- 
Italy. h am called them, the Earl of Surrey and Sir 

Thomas Wyat, 'who having travelled into Italy, and 
there tasted the sweet and stately measures of the Italian 
poesie, greatly polished our rude and homely manner.' 
They introduced the sonnet, so well adapted to the ex- 
pression of amorous conceits, which has since then 
always held a chief place among our forms of poetical 
composition. Surrey also introduced blank verse in his 



Historical Enquiry. 203 

translation of the second book of Virgil's ^Eneid. Trans- 
lations rapidly increased in number. Harrington trans- 
lated Ariosto's ' Orlando Furioso/ Fairfax, Tasso's ' Jeru- 
salem Delivered/ and Chapman, Homer's e Iliad.' 

There was a greater desire for knowledge about Eng- 
land's past history. Archbishop Parker set an example 
of diligence in rescuing from destruction the Historical 
records and documents which had been dis- enquiry. 
persed by the dissolution of the monasteries. Holinshed, 
aided by Harrison and others, compiled his i Chronicles/ 
which show at all events a larger interest than had yet 
been felt. Stow was a diligent antiquary who travelled 
on foot through England to examine manuscripts, and 
whose i Survey of London ' is still the source of our 
knowledge of the early history of that city. With true 
antiquarian zeal Stow ' wasted his substance, neglected 
his business, and spent all his money ' in his favourite- 
pursuit. At the accession of James I. we find him re- 
duced to want in his old age, and receiving from the 
king a permission to ask alms from the churches. Hak- 
luyt was so impressed with the geographical value of the 
voyages then being made by the English that he collected 
and published the narratives of travellers. As Eliza- 
beth's reign went on, enquiry increased and took a broader 
form. William Camden, head master of Westminster 
School, published his ( Britannia/ an antiquarian geo- 
graphy of Britain ; after Elizabeth's death he wrote a 
history of her reign which shows a great advance upon 
previous contemporary annalists in breadth of view and 
political insight. Daniel's ' History of England/ Knolles' 
[ History of the Turks/ and Sir Walter Raleigh's ( His- 
tory of the World ' show an enlarged conception of 
historical writing, which was altogether new in England, 
and from which the rise of critical history can really be 
traced. 



204 • The Elizabethan Literature. 

The influence of Italian models was not entirely bene- 
ficial. All conscious efforts at imitation lead to affectation 
and pedantry ; too great attention to style 
prose makes words be valued at the expense of 

writers. thought. Obscurity took the place of clear- 

ness, and the desire to clothe a thought in a recondite 
image or far-fetched allusion was stronger than the wish 
to express the thought itself. Some of the simpler 
writers in the early part of Elizabeth's reign complain 
bitterly of these foreign affectations. Roger Ascham, the 
tutor of Elizabeth and Lady Jane Grey, in vain lays 
down the rule — ' He that will write well in any tongue 
must speak as the common people do, and think as wise 
men do ; so should every man understand him, and the 
judgement of wise men allow him. Many English writers 
have not done so, but using strange words, as Latin, 
French, and Italian, do make all things dark/ Ascham, 
himself a man of strong common sense, was Elizabeth's 
Latin secretary. He is known as the author of the ' School- 
master/ the first treatise on classical education in the 
English language, and of ' Toxophilus,' an elegant little 
dialogue on archery. Again, Thomas Wilson tried by his 
criticisms of style to stop the obscurity of expression 
which came from following foreign models extravagantly. 
c Some seek so far outlandish English, that they forget 
-altogether their mother's language. Some far-journeyed 
gentlemen, at their return home, like as they love to go 
in foreign apparel, so will they powder their talk in over- 
sea language. The mystical wise men and poetical 
clerks will speak nothing but quaint proverbs and blind 
-allegories : delighting much in their own darkness, 
•especially when none can tell what they do say.' 

This affected style reached its highest point in 
Lyly's ' Romance of Euphues,' published in 1561. The 
story is but slight, and is concerned with a young 



Sir Philip Sidney. 205. 

Athenian gentleman, who lives first at Naples and 
then in England ; it is used merely as a Lyiy and 
thread to bind together a number of remarks Euphuism. 
and reflections on love, education, friendship, and 
other points. 'The style is antithetical and inflated ; but 
there is much fineness of thought running through the 
book. It was written for ladies : e Euphues had rather 
lie shut in a lady's casket than open in a scholar's study.' 
In this aspiration Lyly succeeded ; the ladies of the 
court all became his scholars. A new style of speaking, 
called after its founder Euphuism, became fashionable and 
long prevailed among the courtiers. Shakespeare satirised 
Euphuism in his earliest play, ' Love's Labour's Lost,' 
in the character of the superfine Don Armado, while in 
Holofernes he shows us the other tendency, towards pe- 
dantry, which was engaged in spoiling the English tongue- 
Euphuism owed its great success to the patronage of the 
queen. It suited Elizabeth's character to express herself 
in quaint conceits, which by their length seemed to be a 
careful statement, while through their obscurity they were 
without meaning. To be decorous and impressive without 
committing herself decidedly to any definite action, was 
exactly what Elizabeth delighted in. 

Sir Philip Sidney marked the return to a soberer and 
more straightforward style. Sidney's earliest literary 
effort was a masque, ( The Oueen of the May,' sir Philip 
in which the pedantic and affected talk was Sidney. 
caricatured and ridiculed. His romance of ' Arcadia *' 
was no doubt suggested by Lyly's 6 Euphues/ but showed 
a great advance in manner of composition. The story 
was more continuous, and the teaching was not so much 
conveyed by direct moralising as by the incidents and 
situations of the story itself. The setting, however, is a 
perplexing mixture of chivalrous and classical surround- 
ings ; and though Sidney ridiculed pedantry he could not 



2o6 ■ The Elizabethan Literaticre. 

avoid many extravagances and much that is far-fetched 
both in style and matter. Perhaps the only pure work of 
Elizabeth's time which has escaped the prevailing affec- 
tation is Sidney's i Defence of Poesie/a noble and grace- 
ful treatise on the power of imagination, and a vindica- 
tion, as against the Puritan tendencies of the time, of its 
lawful uses. i Nature never set forth the earth in so rich 
tapestry as divers poets have done, neither with so plea- 
sant rivers, fruitful trees, sweet smelling flowers, nor 
^whatsoever else may make the too much loved earth more 
lovely. Her world is brazen ; the poets only deliver a 
•golden.' ■ I never heard the old song of Percy and 
Douglas, that I found not my heart moved more than 
with a trumpet.' In passages such as this we feel the 
fulness of joy in life and beauty, the depth and quickness 
•of feeling, the nobility and force of spirit, which enabled 
the men of Elizabeth's time to do great things both in life 
and literature. 

English prose writing went on through a course of 
purification and amplification throughout Elizabeth's 
Puttenham reign. Puttenham's ' Art of Poesie,' which 
and Bacon, appeared in 1589, was an attempt at serious 
criticism. Its author tries to mediate between pedantry 
and barbarism, to show how the English language may 
be enriched without being encumbered. But the practical 
-example how this could be achieved was given by Francis 
Bacon, whose Essays, first published in 1597, show a 
mixture of fancy and clearness which was new in English 
literature. These ' brief notes, set down significantly 
rather than curiously,' as their author says of them, show 
the effect which the political life of Elizabeth's time had 
exercised in maturing reflection and calling into life 
political wisdom. They are full of pregnant remarks on 
government ; they show a keen analysis of the laws of 
the forces at work in human society, and of the motives by 



Love Poetry. 207 

which men are influenced in their common actions. They 
are incisive, clear, and condensed. Bacon had freed him- 
self from all affected forms of expression. His imagina- 
tion is fervent yet restrained ; his imagery is abundant 
yet carefully selected with a view to clearness; he is grave, 
serious, and thoughtful ; his language is chosen to give 
force and clearness to his thought. His style is not yet 
quite easy or flowing, but it is concise and dignified. 
Bacon's Essays will always rank as one of the standard 
models of English style. 

But Bacon has a still greater place in English litera- 
ture ; he first clearly set forth the claims of in- Bacon as a 
ductive philosophy as against the old methods philosopher. 
of metaphysical speculation. He asserted that knowledge 
was to be found by careful investigation of nature, not 
by spinning cobwebs of the brain. He turned men from 
disputations of words to an observation of the world 
around them. Bacon's method was faulty, as was natural 
for a beginner ; but modern science has still to point to 
him as the man who first brought into due prominence 
the principles on which its method was to be founded. 
His great work, in which these ideas were first set forth, 
was not published till 1620, but it marks the fruits which 
the increased knowledge of the world in Elizabeth's reign 
had been slowly bearing in a thoughtful mind. 

The great glory, however, of Elizabethan literature 
are the poets and dramatists. It was in the forms of the 
imagination that the new spirit of England Love 
first found its most congenial expression, poetry. 
Every kind of poetical composition began to advance. 
To write verses was a necessary accomplishment of every 
gentleman ; no love-making could be carried on without 
a plenteous flow of amorous verse. 

The lover 
Sighing like furnace, with a woful ballad 
Made to his mistress' eyebrow, 



208 The Elizabethan Literature. 

is reproduced in all the poetry of the time. Partly the 
fashion was copied from the sonnets of Petrarch, which 
were devoted to the expression of changing phases of his 
pining love for Laura. But the fashionable forms were 
soon filled with the language of real feeling. The men of 
Elizabeths times neither acted nor felt sluggishly. Their 
full and ardent natures felt and spoke strongly ; some- 
times in tones of passionate desire, sometimes with de- 
lightful fancies which sprung from delicate and tender 
thought. Sometimes the Elizabethan poets weave a sweet 
fancy into the rigorous forms of the sonnet ; sometimes 
they transport themselves and their love from the dull 
region of common life, and in a realm of faintly imaged 
peace and simplicity pour forth their pastoral songs.. 
Sometimes again the memory of old tales of love stirs 
them to tell again with living feeling the story of lovers' 
fortunes in bygone times. 

Amongst these love-poets we may notice Sir Philip 
Sidney, who began to sing his lady's praises in studied and 
Sidney's artificial forms : gradually he burst through his 
sonnets. trammels and learned to be more natural : — 

I sought fit words to paint the blackest face of woe, 
Studying inventions fine, her wits to entertain, 

Oft turning others' leaves to see if thence would flow 
Some fresh and fruitful showers upon my sun-burnt brain. 

But words came halting forth, wanting invention's stay. 

At last the happy revelation came to the labouring stu- 
dent, — ' 

Biting my truant pen, beating myself for spite, 

' Fool,' said my Muse to me, ' look in thy heart and write.' 

His sonnets and his songs are full of delicate fancies, and 
express in new and varied imagery the changing moods of 
his own mind. 

If Italy taught Elizabethan writers the sonnet as the 



Edmund Spenser. 209 

expression of love, no less powerful was the influ- 
ence of the Italian epics of Ariosto and 

bpenser. 

Tasso. We have seen how soon these poems 
were translated into English, where they soon produced 
a follower in Edmund Spenser, whose poem of the 
' Faerie Queen ' is the great epic of Elizabethan England. 
Spenser was educated at Cambridge, and began life 
under the patronage of the Earl of Leicester and his 
nephew Sidney. In 1580 he went to Ireland as secretary 
to the viceroy. There he spent almost all the rest of his 
days, living for the most part at Kilcolman, near Cork, 
where he had received a grant of three thousand acres of 
land. In 1598 his house was burned down in Tyrone's 
rebellion, and he was compelled to flee to England. He 
died in London in the following year. Though living in 
the seclusion of Ireland he took a deep interest in Eng- 
lish affairs. His great friend was Sir Walter Raleigh, 
whom in his poem — ' Colin Clout's come home again/ he 
celebrates as the ' Shepherd of the ocean, 7 while Sidney's 
untimely death is bewailed in the elegy of Astrophel. 
Spenser's poems are all animated by his own religious 
views. We see in them the force of the early Protes- 
tant feeling, the hatred of Romanism as being the source 
of error, the devotion to Elizabeth as the symbol of 
England's noblest aspirations. 

The i Faerie Queen ' is indeed a poem most charac- 
teristic of the time in which it was written. Standing on 
the threshold of the modern time, Spenser The < F ae rie 
took the old forms of the past and breathed Queen.' 
into them a new ideal life. Chivalry in its old meaning was 
past and gone ; but its forms of tilts and tournaments and 
champions and ladies' favours still survived as a graceful 
amusement at the festivities of Elizabeth's court. The 
system was not yet forgotten, but all the genuine 
spirit of that system had faded away. It was Spenser's 

M. H. p 



2 1 o The Elizabethan L iter attire. 

object to make these dry bones of the past again live 
with the life of the present. The spirit of the new age in 
religion and politics alike was transferred into symbolical 
forms taken from the old legends of chivalry. In a far 
distant land, where the outlines were dim and faded into 
a soft dreamy haze, the imagination of the poet finely set 
forth in forms of knights and ladies the altered moral 
aspect of the world. Away from the tumult of the world, 
in his quiet retreat, — 

Under the foot of Mole, that mountain hoar, 
Keeping my sheep among the cooly shade 
Of the green alders by the Mulla's shore, 

the poet peopled his ideal world with the creatures of his 
own fancy. Freed from the trammels of reality Spenser's 
imagination draws picture after picture, scene after scene, 
without effort or straining after effect. He moves easily 
in the world which he has created, a world far away from 
daily life, yet not so alien from men's thoughts as to be 
entirely unsubstantial and unreal. It is a world of 
lofty enterprise and high endeavour, of ceaseless labour 
and conflict for a great end. Virtues and vices encounter 
one another in incessant shock, and the soul of man is 
ever advancing through repeated trial and effort towards 
a higher aim. Yet over all is thrown an air of quietness 
and peace. Not the violence of excited emotions, but the 
steady course of the calm yet determined soul is the ideal 
of Spenser. Hence comes the air of purity and gentle- 
ness which is such a distinguishing feature of the ' Faerie 
Queen.' The poet's self-mastery gives the poem its 
dignity, refinement, and grace. ' f The Faerie Queen ' is the 
noblest monument of the fine cultivation of Elizabeth's 
.age. 

But Elizabeth's time is most famous as being the 
period in which the English drama flourished. The 



The Drama. 21 i 

new-born desire for knowledge turned to man, man's life, 

and man's destinies as the most congenial field 

for its enquiries, and the popular taste for 

dramatic spectacles gave it an open field for its display. 

Elizabeth's reign saw almost the earliest beginnings of 

the drama, and saw it reach its highest point in the plays 

of Shakespeare. The earliest English comedy which 

deserves the name, ' Ralph Royster-Doister,' was written 

in Henry VIII.'s reign by Nicholas Udall, head master 

of Eton ; it is founded upon the models of Latin comedy, 

and deals with the adventures of a gull in his wooing of 

.a rich widow. ' Gammer Gurton's Needle,' written about 

156c, supposed to be by John Still, is almost farcical in 

its character and treats of the disturbance caused in a 

small village by an old woman's loss of her needle and 

the misunderstandings which followed. In tragedy 

Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckhurst, led the way by his 

play of ' Gorboduc,' or ' Ferrex and Porrex,' which was 

acted in 1562 ; the story is taken from ancient British 

history, and is concerned with royal jealousy, revenge, 

and murder. The play is a series of narrations rather 

than a drama ; the action is only slightly represented on 

the stage, and each act is preceded by a dumb show to 

explain its purport. 

It is, however, in about 1586, when the excitement 

of England had reached its highest pitch, that Marlowe 

sfirst began to write, and was closely followed 

by Greene, Peele, Nash, and Shakespeare. 

Marlowe, Greene, and Peele were all of them educated 

' at the university, and after many discreditable adventures 

settled down in London, where they led a wild literary life. 

They and a few kindred spirits formed a profligate circle, 

who haunted taverns and were ready to turn their 

hands to any rude jest or unprincipled trick which might 

supply them with means to carry on their debaucheries. 



212 The Elizabetlian L iter attire. 

Besides being a play writer, Greene was also a writer of* 
tales, mostly after Italian models ; but he has also left 
some interesting tracts which throw great light upon his 
own life. On leaving Cambridge he travelled to Italy 
and Spain, where he ' saw and practised such villany as 
is abominable to declare. 7 On his return to England he 
' ruffled out in silks, and seemed so discontent that no 
place would please him to abide in, nor no vocation 
cause him to stay himself in.' < Young in years yet old 
in wickedness, I began to resolve that there was nothing 
bad that was profitable : whereupon I grew so rooted in 
all mischief that I had as great delight in wickedness as 
sundry have in godliness." He followed through life 
his idea that ' what is profitable ceases to be bad : ' he 
married and deserted his wife ; he rambled here and 
there, sometimes in a state of maudlin repentance, then 
relapsing into debauchery as soon as he could get any 
money by the numerous tales and pamphlets which he 
hurriedly composed. He died in poverty and misery at 
the early age of 32, of the results of a surfeit of Rhenish 
wine and pickled herrings. The life of Greene may serve 
as an example of that of the others. Marlowe was even 
more unhappy ; he was stabbed at the early age of 28 in a 
tavern brawl. Besides their dissolute lives, Marlowe and 
Greene were both accused of having made open profes- 
sion of atheism. 

From such wild and stormy natures it may be supposed 
the Elizabethan drama found no calm beginnings. In 
Marlowe's Marlowe, fury, desire, and villany reach an 
plays. extravagant pitch of passion. In c Tambur- 

laine the Great ' he represents the Tartar conqueror 
inflated by ambition and success to a point that almost 
baffles expression. He rages against God and man 
alike, and believes he has passed beyond the common 
lot of humanity. The imagery throughout the play is. 
colossal : — 



Christopher Marlowe. 2 1 3 

I would strive to swim through pools of blood, 
Or make a bridge of murdered carcasses, 
Whose arches should be framed with bones of Turks, 
Ere I would lose the title of a king. 

In the c Rich Jew of Malta } human villany is displayed 
on the most gigantic scale : the Jew commits every 
possible crime, even to the poisoning of his own daughter, 
with fiendish ingenuity, and exults in his success. The 
prologue of the play is spoken by Machiavelli, who is 
made to lay down the principle, 

I count religion but a childish toy, 
And hold there is no sin but ignorance. 

In his play of 'Faustus' Marlowe has dealt with the 
effects of the overpowering desire for knowledge, the 
thirst for power, the craving to overstep the limits of life, 
to enjoy a few years' intoxication of success at the expense 
of all the future. We are astonished that a work which 
shows so much profundity of thought should have been 
written by so young a man . The desires and interests 
of an Englishman of that age are set forth in Faustus' 
exclamation of delight when first he knows that he has 
power to command spirits : — 

I'll have them fly to India for gold, 
Ransack the ocean for orient pearl, 
And search all corners of the new-found world 
For pleasant fruits ancl princely delicates. 
I'll have them read me strange philosophy; 
And tell the secrets of all foreign kings : 
I'll have them wall all Germany with brass 
And make swift Rhine circle fair Wittenberg ; 
I'll have them fill the public schools with silk, 
Wherewith the students shall be bravely clad ; 
I'll levy soldiers with the coin they bring 
And chase the Prince of Parma from the land, 
And reign sole king of all the Provinces; 
Yea, stranger engines for the brunt of war 
Than was the fiery keel at Antwerp bridge 
I'll make my servile spirits to invent. 



214 The Elizabethan Literature. 

We have dwelt upon Marlowe because he is the most 
characteristic representative of the uncontrolled ambition 
and inordinate desires which lent force to the adven- 
turous spirit of Elizabethan England. A new horizon 
had opened before men's eyes. They rushed forward with 
unbounded delight to take possession of their new realm, 
and in their first excitement hurried off in chase of what 
was most marvellous, most strange, and most monstrous 
among the novelties which had been revealed. In the 
region of the imagination Marlowe delights in elevating- 
human nature to superhuman proportions. Not the or- 
derly array of life, nor the fine motives of action attract 
him, but he rushes forward to depict the almost un- 
imaginable extravagance of fury, villany, and desire- 
Yet Marlowe is a great dramatist. His imagery is 
forcible, his fancy vivid, his pictures of human passion real 
though exaggerated ; there is the stamp of genius on 
everything he wrote, and his faults are of the kind that 
would have been tempered by age. In plot and action, 
in his views of scenic effect, Marlowe was a great advance 
upon his predecessors, and when compared with his con- 
temporaries appears as a true dramatic artist. 

About the time when Marlowe's earliest play appeared 
William Shakespeare first came up to London. He was 
Shake- tne son °f a well-to-do tradesman in Strat- 

speare. ford-upon-Avon, whose fortunes however had 

begun to decline during his son's boyhood. At the early age 
of nineteen he married Anne Hathaway, who was eight 
years his senior. Increasing poverty and, as the story 
goes, a disturbance about poaching in Sir Thomas Lucy's, 
park, drove Shakespeare to quit Stratford, leaving his- 
wife and family behind, and induced him to try his for- 
tunes in London. He arrived there at the age of twenty- 
two and became an actor. We cannot trace with any 
certainty his life in London, nor how he became a poet. 
His earliest work, ' Venus and Adonis,' * the first heir of 



Shakespeare. 215 

his invention/ was dedicated to the Earl of Southampton, 
who was always his constant patron. Soon he began to 
try his hand at writing plays, at first comedies which 
turned upon the fashions of the day. ' Love's Labour's 
Lost/ his earliest play, was a piece slight in plot, ridicul- 
ing the folly of Euphuism and pedantry. The ' Comedy 
of Errors' was an adaptation of Latin comedy, and 
aimed at amusing by its broad complications rather than 
any study of character. In i A Midsummer Night's 
Dream ' first of all the poet's fancy broke forth unre- 
strained ; his pictures of fairyland are full of graceful 
imagination, and gain force by the contrast between the 
airy gambols of the elves and the clumsy clowns who 
labour at their rehearsal. We do not know how Shake- 
speare learned and wrote, nor can we do more than 
guess at the order of his plays. They were written most 
of them to order. The theatre possessed an acting copy 
of some old story, legend, or history; these Shakespeare 
wrought up; some he entirely transformed with his own 
power, others perhaps he only remodelled and wrote in 
parts. Dramatic representations of English history were 
highly popular, and Shakespeare's historical plays are 
deeply interesting as showing how the English at that 
time looked back upon the stirring events and characters 
of their country's past. Shakespeare wrote quickly to 
supply the demand of the playhouse. His fame soon 
grew, and Elizabeth listened to his plays with interest. 
He is said to have written the ' Merry Wives of Wind- 
sor ' to gratify the queen, who wished to see Falstaff in 
love. His plays were at first published; but when his 
fame was secure he seems to have stopped their publica- 
tion that he might make more money from their repre- 
sentation. After 1600 ' Hamlet' and ' King Lear' were 
the only two which were published during his lifetime. 
Though famous in London, Shakespeare seems never to 



2 1 6 The Elizabethan L iterature, 

have lost his affection for his native place. His gains were 
not all spent in the delights of society. Though he supped 
at the Mermaid Tavern amongst the wits of the time, he 
invested his money in the purchase of land near Strat- 
ford. In Shakespeare genius was not a wild excitement 
as it had been to Marlowe ; order and self-control were 
characteristics of his greater penetration into the mean- 
ing of life. His insight and depth of feeling led him to 
care and prudence, not to mere excesses. He retired 
from London to spend his last years in ease and comfort 
at Stratford, where he died in 1616 at the age of fifty- 
two. 

It is impossible to explain a genius like Shakespeare 
by any features of the times in which he lived, or to 
point out the sources from which he gained his experi- 
ence or knowledge. Analysis and criticism can only 
discover, they cannot explain, profound truths, fine points 
of perception, discrimination in details, which the poet's 
imagination saw in their entirety, and depicted as it saw. 
Treatises have been written to prove Shakespeare's spe- 
cial knowledge of various subjects, and to claim for him 
a technical training in each. It is impossible to identify 
Shakespeare with any of his characters, or to say that 
any special mood of the human mind was peculiarly his 
own. He is equally at home in the scheming villany of 
Richard III. and the chivalrous bravery of Henry V., 
in the consuming jealousy of Othello and the compla- 
cent sensuality of Falstaff, in the reckless wit of Mer- 
cutio and the absorbing revenge of Shylock. In tragedy 
and comedy alike he is supreme ; his master hand swept 
with unerring accuracy over the entire scale of human 
life and passion. As he advanced in life, we find in his 
plays greater thoughtfulness and a more serious tone. In 
' The Merchant of Venice/ he takes a deeper view of the 
varied course of life; in a short while how great a change 



Shakespeare. 217 

lias come imperceptibly over the life and fortunes of so 
many. ' As You Like It ' shows still further the poet's 
thoughtfulness. He grapples with the contradictions of 
life, — ' sweet are the uses of adversity / while the cynical 
moralisings of Jacques and the quaint practical wisdom 
of the clown give opportunities for setting in sharp con- 
trast the different solutions of life's problem. In < Ham- 
let ' Shakespeare has drawn the struggle of man's spirit 
with destiny, the conflict of the soul with its surroundings, 
the terrible force % of sin to perturb the life of the inno- 
cent. So profound is the insight which dictated c Ham- 
let' that it still remains an inexhaustible subject of 
speculation, opening out innumerable problems of human 
life and character. Shakespeare's range of interest was 
endless. Amongst the last of his plays was the ' Tempest/ 
in which he seems to have caught the curiosity awakened 
by travellers' tales, and to have pressed forward in fanciful 
speculation to consider the origin of man's nature. The 
monstrous form of Caliban, half human, half brutal, goes 
with a soul that has but the lower animalism and selfish 
cunning of the brute for its foundation. The ' Tempest/ 
like i A Midsummer Night's Dream ' is worked out with 
supernatural machinery. Again we are in the region of 
spirits ; but the spirits of Shakespeare's age differ from 
those of his youth. No longer are they in the foreground 
working spontaneously and showing now and then their 
interest in man's fortunes ; they are now kept under 
man's sway, controlled by his will, and compelled to 
work at his command. In both plays the poet's imagi- 
nation overpowers us, and peoples the fairy region with 
shapes which become almost real to us. But the sprightly 
play of youthful fancy, the unfettered gaiety of heart 
which clothed the world with the fair colours of a beauti- 
ful dream, have given way to the reflective wonder of 
age, which peers into questions it cannot solve. The 



2 1 8 The Elizabethan L iterature. 

airy grace of ' A Midsummer Night's Dream ' changes 
into the stately dignity of the i Tempest.' With greater 
knowledge has come greater uncertainty; on the conscious 
enjoyment of power follows the sense of its bitterness : — 

Like the baseless fabric of this vision 
The cloud-capped towers, the gorgeous palaces, 
The solemn temples, the great globe itself, 
Yea, all which it inherit shall dissolve ; 
And like this unsubstantial pageant faded, 
Leave not a rack behind ; We are such stuff 
As dreams are made of, and our little life 
Is rounded with a sleep. 

In Shakespeare the glory of the Elizabethan drama 
was at its height. His youth saw the wild extravagances 
Later dra- °f the genius of Marlowe ; in his later years 
matists h e saw a new race f dramatists arise, Web- 

ster, Ford, Massinger, Chapman, Middleton, Jonson y 
Beaumont and Fletcher. They were all men of force, 
and power, though none had the range or the profundity 
of Shakespeare. Jonson is the most famous of them,, 
and is remarkable for taking the subjects of his comedies 
from the domestic life of his own time. He was a scholar 
proud of his learning, and wished to introduce a severer 
style of composition than the untrammelled freedom of" 
Shakespeare. The drama continued to thrive in England 
until the severer morality of the Puritans revolted against 
the licence into which it began to fall under the writers 
of James I.'s time, and the theatre declined before the 
feverish excitement which preceded the times of the 
Great Rebellion. 



a.d. 1595. Desire for Peace. 2ity 



CHAPTER III. 

LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 

The years that followed the repulse of the Spanish* 
Armada were the culminating years of Elizabeth's reigm 
England awoke to her true position. Spain Desire for 
was everywhere driven back. France again peace. 
began to form itself into a strong and united power. Yet 
the power of Spain was still looked upon with respect. 
Henry IV. and Elizabeth would both of them gladly have 
made peace with Philip II., and would have given the 
Netherlands over to him could they have been certain 
of his intentions towards themselves. But Philip still sup- 
ported the League in France and threatened another 
invasion of England. Henry IV. and Elizabeth still held 
by the Netherlands, though they were always suspicious 
of one another's intentions. 

The struggle of Philip and the League against Henry 
IV. became every day more hopeless. Henry's position in 
France became so far secure after his conversion . 

that in December 1595 Pope Clement VIII. settlement 
solemnly gave him absolution. The religious in France - 
struggle in France was now over. Protestantism had 
been vanquished, not by the victory of the extreme party 
but by the formation of a moderate party which lay between 
the two extremes. France returned to submission to the 
papacy ; but it was a voluntary submission, and the atti- 
tude of the French Church was one of independence. 
The Pope was glad to see the re-establishment of 
the old equilibrium between the two Catholic powers of 
France and Spain. So long as Spain only had been 



220 Last Years of Elizabeth. a.d. 1596. 

thoroughly Catholic, the papacy had had to follow Spain 
•entirely ; now it could again assume an independent po- 
sition between the two powers. 

After the absolution of Henry IV. it was impossible for 

Philip long to continue the war against him. Philip himself, 

in spite of his great dominions, was hopelessly 

Expedition , f __*» _ _ _ r ^ 

against bankrupt. The loss of the resources of the 

Cadiz, 1596. Netherlands, the expenses of his many wars, 
-and the ruinous financial system which he had inherited, 
and by which the yearly revenue was pledged for the pay- 
ment of interest on the royal debt — all these causes 
combined to exhaust the king's coffers, though he squan- 
dered nothing on his own magnificence or pleasures. In 
the beginning of 1596 Philip won an important triumph 
by the capture of Calais. But this awoke the alarm of 
England and of the Hollanders as much as of the 
French. A joint expedition was equipped against 
Spain in which the English took the lead. Lord Admi- 
ral Howard sailed with a fleet of a hundred and fifty 
vessels against Cadiz, and the Earl of Essex commanded 
the land forces. On June 21 the Spanish ships which 
assembled for the defence of the town were entirely de- 
feated. Essex was the first to leap on shore, and the 
English troops easily took the city. The clemency of 
the English soldiers contrasted favourably with the ter- 
rible barbarities of the Spaniards in the Netherlands. 
' The mercy and the clemency that hath been showed 
here/ wrote Lord Howard, ' will be spoken of through- 
out the world.' No man or woman was needlessly in- 
jured ; but Cadiz was sacked, and the shipping in its 
harbour destroyed. Essex wished to follow up this ex- 
ploit by a further attack upon Spain ; but Howard, who 
had accomplished the task for which he had been sent, 
insisted on returning home. 

This was the last great naval expedition against 



a. d. 1 596. Earl of Essex. 221 

Spain. There was in England also a strong desire for 
peace. The queen and Burleigh were both 

ill r 1 -1 i-ii Parties at 

growing old ; they felt that they had accom- Elizabeth's 
plished their purpose ; they had steered Eng- court ' 
land through the difficulties which beset her ; they would 
gladly have reaped the advantages of the position which 
they had now secured. But there was a strong party 
among the younger nobles who were animated by the old 
spirit of hatred against Spain. They were eager for an 
opportunity of gaining military distinction ; they longed 
to destroy Spain utterly, and win for England without 
dispute the mastery of the seas. The struggles of these 
two parties cast a shadow over the declining years of 
Elizabeth, and the queen's personal weaknesses were 
mingled in a melancholy and almost tragic way in the 
political intrigues which disturbed the end of her reign. 

The leader of the war party was Robert Devereux,, 
Earl of Essex. He was Leicester's step-son, and had 
been introduced to CGurt by him. After Robert 
Leicester's death he became the queen's chief Earfof 1 ^ 
favourite, and succeeded to Leicester's influ- Essex 
ence. Young, handsome, chivalrous, outspoken, and 
ambitious, he awoke all Elizabeth's tenderness, and al- 
though he was more than thirty years her junior, she 
bestowed upon him the affection of a mistress rather than 
of a mother. He gathered round him all the ambitious 
and ardent spirits of the time, and so long as his influence 
was supreme with the queen, a policy of peace was im- 
possible. When he set out for Cadiz his power was at 
its height. During his absence Burleigh prevailed with 
the queen to have his son Robert Cecil appointed secre- 
tary of state. The peace party had thus gained a great 
victory, and used their power to disparage the exploits of 
Essex. On his return he took up a position of deter- 
mined antagonism to them, and symbolised his views at 



222 Last Years of Elizabeth. a.d. 1598. 

a festival in honour of the queen's accession. He was 
met in the tilt-yard by a hermit, an officer of state, and a 
soldier ; each entreated him to follow his views of life ; 
but the answer was given ( that this knight would never 
forsake his mistress's love, whose virtue made all his 
thoughts divine, whose wisdom taught him all true 
policy, whose beauty and worth made him at all times fit 
to command armies.' 

In 1597 Essex prevailed upon the queen to allow a 
naval expedition, known as i The Island Voyage,' to be 
The island made, with the object of destroying the Spa- 
Voyage. n j s ] :l s hip S? an d of cutting off their fleet on its 
return from the West Indies. The fleet sailed for the 
Azores, where Raleigh, without waiting for Essex, cap- 
tured the island of Fayal. Essex blazed into anger against 
Raleigh, and even threatened his life ; party quarrels 
broke out even in the fleet. The expedition was a 
failure, owing to the mistakes made by Essex. The Spa- 
nish fleet escaped, and the English squadron reached 
home without having done much damage. Philip mean- 
time had sent out another Armada against England, 
which was dispersed by a storm off the Scilly Isles, and 
was driven back to Ferrol. 

This was, however, the last attempt at war upon a 
large scale. Henry IV. early in 1598 concluded with 
Philip's new Philip the treaty of Vervins, and turned his 
plans. attention to the consolidation of the French 

monarchy upon its old Catholic basis. By the edict of 
Nantes toleration was given to the French Protestants; 
but a slow process of political exclusion and social pres- 
sure was applied to win them back to Catholicism. 
Philip's hands were once more free for operations against 
England and the Netherlands. His plan was to give up 
to his daughter Isabella the sovereignty of the Spanish 
Netherlands, and leave to her husband, the Cardinal 



a.d. 1598. Death of Philip II. 22$ 

Archduke Albert of Austria, the task of reducing the dis- 
obedient provinces. Meanwhile England was again to 
be attacked where it was most vulnerable, in Ireland. 
The discontented Irish had been reduced to obedience 
by a strong hand, and had been kept quiet during 
the great crisis of Elizabeth's reign. Gradually, how- 
ever, the tribes of Ulster united under Hugh O'Neill, 
Earl of Tyrone, who received support from Philip 
and the Pope. In August 1598 he surprised the fort of 
Blackwater, and inflicted a serious defeat upon the 
English forces. 

Philip could not, however, prosecute his designs. He 
was seized with a mortal illness, and died in September, 
after a most painful illness, which he endured 
with Christian fortitude. c I die like a good Philip 11/s 
Catholic, in faith and obedience to the holy rei s n * 
Roman Church/ were his last words. He was seventy- 
one years old, and had ruled the Spanish mon- 
archy for forty years. He was a sincere fanatic, who 
had identified his own interests with those of Catholi- 
cism. We have seen how wide were his plans and how 
far-reaching was his policy. His great schemes failed 
one by one, and left him hopelessly bankrupt. In 
1597 he repudiated his debts, and ruined many of the 
chief commercial houses in Europe. His enterprises 
were not national but dynastic ; they aimed solely at ex- 
tending his own influence and the power of his house. 
His possessions were taxed to the utmost to supply funds 
for these great undertakings ; his people's industry was 
stopped by unwise taxes, and when his plans failed they 
were left impoverished. Castile, as being the seat of 
liis government and most completely under his power, 
suffered most. The fall of Spain from its high position 
in Europe was gradual, but the causes of its decay were 
financial. It had to pay for the great plans of Charles 
V. and Philip II., and it received no national advantage 



224 Last Years of Elizabeth. a.d. 1598. 

to recompense it for the injurious results of their failure. 
Philip II. left to his successor a high position, an impove- 
rished exchequer, and a ruinous system of government. 
It required only a few years for the last two legacies to 
destroy the first. 

In spite of all his efforts, Philip II. had seen the loss to 
The United tne Spanish monarchy of the United Provinces 
Provinces. f the Netherlands. The cession of the obedient 
provinces (known henceforth as the Spanish Netherlands) 
to the Infanta Isabella and her husband Albert, was made 
just before Philip's death. They were to bear joint rule 
over the Provinces with the title of the Archdukes. Under 
their skilful general Spinola, a worthy successor of 
Alexander of Parma, the war in the Netherlands was 
carried on briskly till 1607. But generalship was soon 
developed in the United Provinces as well. Prince 
Maurice of Orange, son of William the Silent, displayed 
remarkable powers as a tactician. While war was carried 
on under him and Spinola, the Netherlands became a 
school of warfare to the rest of Europe. The United 
Provinces continued to hold their own against all at- 
tempts to subdue them. In 1607 a truce was made which 
practically recognised that the United Provinces had 
made good their claim to independence. Under Prince 
Maurice as Stadtholder, Holland became a European 
power whose commercial and colonising activity soon 
gained for her an important position. 

Meanwhile England had still to face the serious diffi- 
culty of the Irish revolt. The peace party amongst 
Revolt of Elizabeth's counsellors saw in this new peril 
Ireland. a fit field f or the warlike ambition of Essex. 

Somewhat against his will he was sent out as Lord 
Deputy to Ireland, with an army of twenty-two thousand 
men. It was to be seen if he would justify by his deeds 
his martial talk. Essex left the court unwillingly, for his 



a.d. 1599. Essex in Ireland. 225 

personal relations towards the queen were unsatisfac- 
tory. He had become intoxicated by power, Essex and 
and forgot at times the basis of its tenure. He the queen, 
mistook his popularity for an independent source of 
authority, and thought that the queen could not do with- 
out him. At a council in which Irish affairs were being 
discussed, Essex differed from the queen, and when she 
refused to follow his opinion he turned his back contemp- 
tuously upon her. Enraged, Elizabeth gave him a box on 
the ear, and Essex laid his hand upon his sword, exclaim- 
ing that he would not have endured such an affront at 
the hands of Henry VIII. himself. For some time after 
this he stayed away from court ; but the quarrel was made 
up, and Essex sailed for Ireland in March 1599, accom- 
panied by royal favour and popular applause and expec- 
tations. 

Essex's conduct in his command disappointed all 
men's hopes. Instead of marching against Tyrone in 
Ulster, he spent four months in putting down Essex in 
smaller rebels in Munster. Even there his Ireland, 
success was not brilliant, and his soldiers suffered from 
sickness. When at last he went against Tyrone his men 
were dispirited ; he could not venture on a battle, and 
entered into negotiations with the rebel chiefs. There 
were rumours of a renewal of war with Spain, and 
Essex was anxious to return to England. He made 
peace with Tyrone, contrary to his orders, but he still 
trusted to his own popularity. He hastily returned to 
England in September, and hurried at once into the 
queen's presence. At first she received him graciously; 
but soon the voices of his enemies prevailed. Essex was 
called to account for his conduct before the council, and 
was committed to custody. He was examined before 
the Star Chamber, was deprived of his offices, and or- 
dered to live a prisoner in his own house during the 
m.h. q 



226 Last Years of Elizabeth. a.d. 1601. 

queen's pleasure. His conduct had awakened the queen's 
suspicions, and his enemies accused him of making a 
league with Tyrone that he might obtain aid from him 
in a projected revolt in England. He was not admitted 
into the royal presence, and when, in September 1600, a 
monopoly of sweet wines expired, from which he drew 
his chief source of income, it was not renewed. Essex 

Rising of now saw t ^ iat ^ s enem i es were bent on his 
Essex. ruin, and he determined on a decided step. 

He threw his doors open and gathered his friends around 
him ; once more he trusted to his popularity to overawe 
the queen and obtain his old influence over her. The 
privy council, alarmed at his preparations, summoned 
him before them. He refused to appear, and when some 
of the councillors were sent to ask the cause of the as- 
semblage at Essex House, they were kept as prisoners, and 
Essex marched with his followers into the City, hoping 
that it would rise in his behalf. But the people saw 
no cause for a revolt. Essex with difficulty made his way 
back to his house and was forced to surrender (February 
8, 1 601). He was brought to trial and found guilty of 
high treason. 

It was a terrible trial to Elizabeth to sign the death- 
warrant of the man she had loved ; but the force of events 
drove her to do so. The queen who had condemned to 
death the Duke of Norfolk and Mary Queen of Scots 
could not pardon Essex if she would. He was executed 
on February 25, and Elizabeth, now grown old and worn 
with cares, never recovered from the shock of this tragic 
complication. 

A cloud gathered over the last years of Elizabeth. 
Loss of Her old ministers were dead, and intrigues 

popularity which she could not command were rife 

by the 

queen- around her. A new generation of her people 

had grown up whose interests lay beyond the shifty policy 



a.d. i6oi. Elizabeth and Parliament. 227 

to which Elizabeth had now accustomed herself. England 
had passed through the great crisis of its peril in safety, 
and those who now enjoyed the proud feeling of inde- 
pendence felt little sympathy with the cautious policy by 
which that independence had been slowly won. Elizabeth 
had done her work and outlived her time. As she went 
to open Parliament in 1601 she no longer heard the ac- 
customed acclamations from the populace, who resented 
Essex's death. The expenses moreover of the Irish war 
began to weigh heavily upon her. Up to this time she 
had managed by strict economy to keep herself tolerably 
independent of parliamentary grants, and hence her tone 
to Parliament had been one of superiority „ . 

, T r , ,. Elizabeth 

and repression. In 160 1 large supplies were andParlia- 
granted by Parliament for the Irish war ; but ment * 
an attack was made upon the right which the crown ex- 
ercised of granting monopolies (or the exclusive right of 
trading in some article) to courtiers as a convenient 
way of providing for them without expense. So bitter 
and so unanimous was the House in its complaints 
that it was impossible for the queen to stand against 
it. Seeing that she must give way, Elizabeth did so 
with good grace ; she sent a message to the House 
that she would revoke all illegal grants of monopolies. 
Her message was received with joy ; one member even 
called it ' a gospel of glad tidings.' A deputation went to 
thank her, and Elizabeth, in a dignified speech, thanked 
them for having pointed out to her a mistake into which 
she had fallen through error of judgment. 

The new spirit of the people was finding its expres- 
sion in a desire for greater political freedom. The arbi- 
trary system of the Tudors, which made „. 

, . ... Signs of 

everything centre round the sovereign, was no future trou- 
longer in accordance with the new state of bles * 
things which their strong government had done much to 



228 Last Years of Elizabeth. a. d. 1603. 

promote. Parliament began to act with greater freedom 
and independence, and it required all Elizabeth's tact 
and prestige to maintain her old position. There were 
signs that her successor would have to modify her sys- 
tem of government, which was rendered tolerable to the 
people only by its success. 

A gleam of success was thrown over the last years of 
Elizabeth by the victory of Lord Mountjoy (formerly 
Successes in sir Charles Blount) in Ireland. The joint 
Ireland. forces of the Spaniards and Irish were de- 

feated ; but though Tyrone was reduced to extremities, 
Mountjoy recommended that an agreement be made with 
him. His final submission was made four days before the 
queen's death. 

Elizabeth's end was rapidly approaching. She became 
moody and wayward after Essex's death ; she realised 
Death of from it her own isolation ; she became gloomy 
Elizabeth. an( j SUS pi c ious. c She walks much in her privy 
chamber,' says Sir John Harrington, Q and stamps with her 
feet at ill news, and thrusts her rusty sword at times into 
the arras in great rage. The dangers are over, yet she 
always keeps a sword by her table.' Bodily weakness and 
mental distress rapidly increased, till in March 1603 she 
took to her bed. Sir Robert Carey, her kinsman, gives an 
account of her condition. c She took me by the hand and 
wrung it hard, and said, " No, Robin, I am not well ; " 
and then discoursed with me of her indisposition, and 
that her heart had been sad and heavy for ten or twelve 
days ; and in her discourse she fetched not so few as 
forty or fifty great sighs.' Her illness grew worse till on 
March 23 she was speechless. It is said that by signs 
she indicated to her council the King of Scotland as her 
successor. Then she made signs for the Archbishop to 
come to her, and listened long to his prayers ; twice 
when he rose from his knees to depart, she motioned to< 



a.d. 1603. Summary. 229 

him to continue. Early on Thursday morning, March 
24, she died, in the seventieth year of her age, and the 
forty-sixth of her reign. 

Her character has been sufficiently shown in recount- 
ing the events in which she took part. Her wisdom and 
her prudence are to be measured by her sue- „ 

_ TT . . ... Summary. 

-cess, with scanty means at her command 
she yet succeeded, in an age of vast plans and huge 
undertakings, in guiding England safely through the 
dangers which threatened it on every side. During her 
reign England grew rapidly both in inward resources 
and in outward importance. Freed from the fear of 
Spain, England began to realise her position as the chief 
maritime power of Europe ; a new spirit began to deve- 
lop itself amongst the people ; the increased sense of 
individual power found its expression in the grandest 
outburst of English poetry. The reign of Elizabeth 
marks the time when England began definitely to assume 
those features which most distinguish her from other 
nations at the present day. 



INDEX. 



ACC 

ACCORD/ the, 94 
Adventure, naval, in England, 
184, 192 

Albert, Cardinal Archduke of Austria, 
223 

Alencon, Francis, Duke of, see Anjou 

Alkmaar, siege of, 119 

Allen, Dr. made Cardinal, 172 

Alva, Duke of, in Italy, 41 ; character of, 
95 ; plans in the Netherlands, 96 ; his 
success, 97 ; influence of on France, 
98 ; seizure of ships of, 103 ; taxation 
of the Netherlands by, n 1 ; leaves 
Netherlands, 120 

Amboise, conspiracy of, 60 ; edict of, 69 

Anjou, Henry Duke of (Henry III.) 104, 
116, 121 

— Francis Duke of, 146 ; made sove- 
reign of Netherlands, 149 ; woos Eliz- 
abeth, 150-1 ; attempt on Antwerp, 151 

Antonio, Don, 148, 182-3 

Antwerp, 88 ; iconoclasm at, 93 ; the 
'Spanish fury' in, 143; attacked by 
Duke of Anjou, 151 ; siege of, 164-6 

' Apology ' of Orange, 96, 149 

Archangel, 131 

Architecture in England, 194 

Armada, The, 175-8 

Articles of Religion, 24 

Ascham, Roger, 204 

Augsburg, Diet of, 12 

Austria, Don John of, see John 

— Albert of, see Albert 
Azores, 222 



BABINGTON'S plot, 169, 170 
Bacon, Francis, 206 

*- Sir Nicolas, 134 
Beaton, Cardinal, 56, 57 



CAU 

' Beggars,' the, 93 

— ' sturdy,' 199 

Berlaymont, 93 

Berwick, treaty of, 59 

Blackwater, Fort, 223 

Blois, estates at, 180 

' Blood Council,' the, 96 

Bolton Castle, 102 

Borthwick Castle, 77 

Both well, rise of, 74, 75 ; divorce of, 76 ; . 

marries Mary, 76 ; fall and death of, 77 
Boulogne, siege of, 21 
Bourbon, Cardinal of, 162, 181, 186 
Brill, capture of, 112 ; given over to^ 

Elizabeth, 166 
Burgundy, 80, 87 
Burleigh, Lord, 107, 132, 221 



CADIZ, attacked by Drake, 174 ; by 
Howard, 220 
Calais, lost to England, 43 ; captured by 

Philip II., 220 
Calvin, 46, 53, 57 
Cambray, siege of, 150 
Cambridge, Elizabeth at, 141 
Camden, William, 203 
Campion, 157-8 
Caraffa, see Paul IV. 
Carew, Sir Peter, 32 
Carey, Sir Robert, 228 
Carlisle, Mary at, 101 
Carlos, Don, 70 
Carthagena, 167 
Cascaes, 183 

1 Casket letters,' the, 78, 102 
Cateau Cambrensis, Peace of, 45, 54, 84 
Catharine de' Medici, 61, 114* "5» l61 
Catholics, defined, 2 
Cautionary towns in Netherlands, 166 



232 



Index. 



CEC 

Cecil, Robert, 221. 

— William, see Burleigh, Lord 

Chancellor, Richard, 131 

Charles V., projects of, 8; attacks Pro- 
testants, 9 ; opposition to, 10, 11 ; 
position towards England, 14 ; rela- 
tions to Mary, 29 ; and Philip II., 35; 
influence of on Julius III., 36 ; abdi- 
cation of, 40 ; power of, 80 ; dominions 
of, 81 ; government of the Netherlands 
by, 81 ; established Inquisition in 
Netherlands, 90 

Charles IX., 6r, 108, 109, 116, 120, 121 

Charles X., 186, 189 

Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 80, 
87 

Chatelherault, Duke of, 59 

China dishes, 196 

Christendom, idea of, 2 

Church, condition of English, 126 

Church lands, questions about, 3 ; under 
Mary, 36, 38 ; in Scotland, 66 

Clement VIII., 2T9 

Clement, Jacques, 181 

Clergy, marriage of, 3 ; allowed in Eng- 
land, 18 ; Elizabeth's views about, 126 

Coinage, depreciation of, 19, 39 ; re- 
stored, 130 

Coligny, Admiral, 61, 109, 114, 116 
■ Colonisation, origin of, 1 ; English expe- 
ditions for, 185 

Commerce, English, 130-2 

Commons, enclosure of, 19 
" ' Compromise,' the, 93 

Conde, Louis Prince of, 60, 68, 69 

Congregation, Lords of the, 57, 58 

Corunna, 182 

Courtenay, Earl of Devon, 32, 34 

Courtras, battle of, 173 

Covenant, first, 56 

Cranmer, Archbishop, 17, 26, 38 
' Cumberland, Earl of, 184 



DARIEN, Raleigh at, 185 
Darnley, Lord, marries Mary, 70 ; 

discontent of, 72 ; reconciled to Mary, 

74 ; murdered, 75 
D'Aubigne, Lord, 156 
Davison, 171 
Desmond, Earl of, 156 
Devereux, Robert, see Essex, Earl of 
Devon, Earl of, 32, 34 
Diet, 7 ; of Augsburg, 12 
Dissenters in England, 128 
Divorces of Bothwell and Mary, 76 
.Dort, meeting of Estates at, 113 



FAR 

Douay, Seminary of, 157 

Drake, Sir Francis, in Spanish Main, 

167 ; at Cadiz, 174 ; attacks Corunna 

and Lisbon, 182-3 
Dress in England, 197 
Dreux, battle of, 68 
Dudley, John, see Northumberland, 

Duke of 
— Robert, see Leicester, Earl of 
Dunbar, 74, 77 

EBOLI, Prince of, 95 
Edinburgh, treaty of, 61, 63 

Edward VI., accession of, 16 ; death of, 
27 

Egmont, Count, 89, 91, 94, 96 

Elizabeth, imprisoned, 34 ; accession, 
43 ; dangers of her position, 44, 49 ; 
re-establishes Protestantism, 47 ; her 
suitors, 50 ; helps Lords of the Con- 
gregation, 59 ; relations to Mary of 
Scotland, 65 ; character of, 66 ; urges 
Mary's release, 100 ; perplexed by 
Mary's presence, 101 ; helps Hugue- 
nots, 102 ; seizes Spanish ships, 103 ; 
excommunicated, 105 ; plot against, 
106 ; her policy, 123 ; her economy, 
124 ; her deceitfulness, 124 ; her love 
of peace, 125 ; her religious views, 125, 
128 ; and her bishops, 129 ; her favour- 
ites, 135 ; her court, 137 ; her magni- 
ficence, 138 ; her progresses, 139 ; 
wooed by Duke of Anjou, 150-1 ; 
association in defence of, 160; helps 
Netherlands, 166 ; .league with Scot- 
land, 169 ; preparations of, for the 
Armada, 175; at Tilbury, 179 ; her 
wardrobe, 197 ; her euphuism, 205 ; 
troubles of her last days, 226 ; and 
Parliament, 227 ; death of, 228-9 

Ely, Bishop of, 129 

Emperor, idea of, 7 

Ernest, Archduke, 190 

Escoveda, 146 

Essex, Robert Devereux, Earl of, at 
Lisbon, 182 ; at Cadiz, 220 ; character 
of, 221 ; expedition of to West Indies, 
222 ; in Ireland, 224-5 ; rising and 
death of, 226 

Euphuism, 205 

Exchange, the Royal, 131 

Excommunication of Elizabeth, 105 



FABER, Peter, 153 
Farnese, Alexander, Prince of 



Index. 



233 



FAY 



JES 



Parma, character of, 147 ; besieges 

Antwerp, 164-6 : takes Neuss, 168 ; 

relieves Paris, 188 ; relieves Rouen, 

189 ; death of, 189 
Fayal, 222 
Festivals, 197 
Flushing, expels Spaniards, 112 ; given 

over to Elizabeth, 166 
Fotheringay, 170-1 
Francis I., 52 
Francis II., 54, 61 

French, the, in Scotland, 19, 23, 56-61 
Frobisher, Martin, 132 
Furniture, 195 

GARDINER, Bishop of Winchester, 
in Tower, 24 ; Chancellor, 30, 32 

Gemblours, battle of, 147 

Geneva, Reformation in, 52 
j Gerard, Balthazar, 159 

Germany, condition of, 7 ; Reformation 
in, 7-14 ; religious settlement in, 12 

Giambelli's fire-ships, 165, 177 

Gilbert, SirHumphrey, 132 

Ghent, Pacification of, 144, 145 

Ghislieri, Michele, see Pius V. 

Goes, siege of, 118 

Gowrie, plot of, 157 
I Grammar schools, 202 
1 Gravelines, engagement off, 178 

Greene, 21 1-2 
] Gregory XIII., 117, 155 
1 Grenvella, Cardinal, 29, 89, 91 

Grenville, Sir Richard, 186 

Gresham, Sir Thomas, 131 

Grey, Lady Jane, 27, 34 

Grey de Wilton, Lord, 156 

Grindal, Archbishop, 129 

'Gueux,' see Beggars 

Guiana, Raleigh in, 185 

Guilds, in the Netherlands, 89 ; in 
London, 200 

Guise, Cardinal, 54, 60 

— Charles, Duke of, 190 

— Claude, Duke of, 54 

— Francis, Duke of, 54> 6 7> 69 

\ — Henry, Duke of, 116, 120; character 
of, 173 ; triumphs in Paris, 179 : as- 
sassinated, 180 

— Mary of, Regent of Scotland, 56, 58, 
59, 61 

Guises, the, policy of, 67, 68 ; and the 
League, 162 

HAARLEM, siege of, 119 
Hakluyt, 203 



Hamilton, James, of Bothwellhaugh, io6 ; 

Hatton, Sir Christopher, 137. 

Havre de Grace, surrendered to Eliza- 
beth, 68, 69 

Hawkins, Sir John, 185 

Henry VIII. of England, Reformation 
under, 15 ; death of, 16; policy towards 
Scotland, 18 

Henry II. of France, 10, 54 

Henry III., 121 ; and Netherlands, 161 
character of, 162 ; driven from Paris, 
174 ; wars with League, 180 ; assassi- 
nated, 181 

Henry IV., see Navarre, Henry of; ac- 
cession, 187 ; religious position, 187; 
character of, 187; campaign in 1590, 
188 ; campaign in 1591-2, 189 ; recog- 
nised by Venice, 190 ; converted, 190 ;:; 
absolved, 219 

Henry of Navarre, 162, 172, 173 

' Henrys, War of the Three,' 172-3 

Hesse, Landgrave of, 9 

High Commission Court, 49, 106 

Historical writing, 203 

Holinshed's Chronicle, 203 

Holland, 118 

Holies, Sir John, 135 

Home, Lord, 77 

' Homilies, Book of,' 17 

Hooper, Bishop, 38 

Horn, Count, 89, 91, 94, 96 

Howard, Lord Charles, of Effingham,., 
176, 220 

Huguenots, 60, 115, 116, 121 

Humphreys, Dr., 142 

Huntley, Earl of, 67 



ICONOCLASM, in Scotland, 53 ; in 
Netherlands, 93 
Inquisition, the, in Netherlands, 90, 92 ; ■ 

in Italy, 105 
1 Interim,' the, 9-10 
Ireland, Reformation in, 25 ; rising of 

Desmond in, 155-6 ; rising of Tyrone 

in, 223 ; Essex in, 225 ; Mountjoy in, 

228 
Isabella, Infanta, 189, 190, 222 
Italian influence on England, 201, 202,.. 

209 



TAMES V. of Scotland, 55 . 

J James VI. of Scotland, birth of, 74 

Jarnac, battle of, 99 

Jemmingen, battle of, 97 

Jesuits, the, 69, 153-5 ; in England, 157-8 



234 



Index. 



JOH 



NET 






. John, Don, of Austria, 144- 
Jonson, Ben, 218 
Joureguy, 158 
Julius III., Pope, 36 



KENILWORTH, Elizabeth at, 139; 
Castle of, 194 
Ket, Robert, 21 
Kirk of Field, 75 
Knox, John, 57, 58 

LANGSIDE, battle of, 101 
Latimer, Bishop, 38 

League, the, 162, 181, 186, 189, 190, 219 

Leicester, Earl of (Robert Dudley), 50, 
65 ; proposed to Mary, 70 ; disgraced, 
103 ; character of, 136 ; in Netherlands, 
166-8 : at Tilbury, 179 ; death of, 182 

Lennox, Earl of, 75 

Lepanto, battle of, 107, 144 

Lisbon, attacked by Drake, 183' 

Lochleven, 78 

Lorraine, Cardinal of, 98 

Louis of Nassau, Count, 97, 99, 113 

Loyola, Ignatius, T53 

Lyly's Euphues, 204 

MADRID, 84 
Magdeburg, siege of, 10 

Marck, William de la, 112 

Marlowe, Christopher, 212-3 

Mary, Queen of" England, accession 
of, 27 ; coronation of, 29 ; advice of 
Charles V. to, 29 ; restores Catho- 
licism, 31 ; speech of in Guildhall, 34 ; 
marries Philip, 35 ; home government 
of, 39 ; thwarted by Pope, 42 ; loses 
Calais, 42 ; death of, 43 
! Mary, Queen of Scots, married to 
Francis II., 19, 54 ; assumes arms of 
England, 55, 61 ; in France, 62 : comes 
to Scotland, 63 ; plans of, 64 ; Eliza- 
beth's relations to, 65 ; character of, 
' 62, 66 ; Marriage with Darnley, 70 ; 
plans in Scotland, 72 ; connexion with 
Bothwell, 74 ; marriage with Both- 
well, 76 ; her fall, 77 ; abdication, 78 ; 
escape from prison, 101 ; in England, 
101 ; projected marriage of with Nor- 
folk, 103 ; with Don John, 144 ; Throg- 
morton's plot in behalf of, 159; impli- 
cated in Babington's plot, 169 ; con- 
demned, 170 ; executed, 171 ; results 
of her death, 171-2 

JMary of Burgundy, 87 



Matthias, Archduke, of Austria, 146, 149 

Maurevert, 114 

Maurice of Saxony, 9-13 

Maximilian I., Emperor, 87 

Mayenne, Duke of, 181, 190, 191 

Meals, 196 

Medici, Catharine de', 68, 108 

Mendoza, Don B. de, 159 

Merchant Adventurers, Company of, 
130- 1 

Merey, Poltrot de, 69 

Metz, siege of, 12 

Mill, Walter, burned, 57 

Monasteries, dissolution of, 16 

Monceaux, 98 

Moncontour, battle of, 99 

Monopolies, 227 

Mons, siege of, 113, 118 

Montmorency, Constable, 98 

Morton, Lord, 77, 156 

Mountjoy, Lord, in Ireland, 228 

Murray, Earl of, 59, 66, 67 ; arms against 
Mary, 70 ; in England, 72 ; returns to 
Scotland, 73 ; made regent, 78 ; defeats 
Mary at Langside, 101 ; at York, 102 ; 
assassinated, 106 



NANTES, edict of, 222 
Naples and Sicily, 35 
Nassau, William of, see Orange 

— Louis of, see Louis 

Navarre, Antony, King of, 60, 62, 68 

— Henry of, marriage of, 115 ; helps 
Henry III., 181 ; question of his suc- 
cession, 181 ; becomes king, 187 ; see 
Henry IV. 

Netherlands, the, under Charles V., 81 
helps Philip II., 84 ; geography of, 87 
government of, 88 ; prosperity, 88 
Margaret, regent of, 89 ; opposition 
to Philip in, 89 ; opposition to 
foreign troops, 90 ; Inquisition in, 90 ; 
religious opposition in, 91 ; trade in, 
92 ; disturbances in, 93 ; Alva sent to, 
96; taxation of, 111 ; foundation of 
United, 112 ; helped by Huguenots, 
113 ; effects of Massacre of St. Bar- 
tholomew's on, 117 ; Don John of 
Austria in, 145 ; Parma wins over 
Walloon provinces, 147 ; Seven Pro- 
vinces abjure Philip, 149 ; Anjou in, 
149-152 ; Jesuits in, 155 ; apply to 
Henry III., 161 ; Elizabeth's help to, 
166 ; Leicester in, 166-8 ; cession of 
Spanish to Isabella, 222 ; independence 
of United Provinces of, 224 



Index, 



235 



NOR 

Norfolk, Duke of, 102 ; his plan to marry 

Mary, 103 ; executed, 107 
Norris, Sir John, 182-3 
North, rising of the, 103 
Northumberland, John Dudley, Duke 

of, defeats Ket, 21 ; Protector, 23 ; 

Reformation under, 24 ; plot of, 26 ; 

death and character of, 28 
Northumberland, Thomas Percy, Earl 

of, 103 
Norwich, Mary at, 27 ; Flemings settle 

in, 92 ; Elizabeth's visit to, 139, 140 



OMMEGANG, 93 
Orange, Prince Maurice of, 224 

Orange, William of Nassau, Prince of, 
89, 91 ; withdraws from Netherlands, 
94 ; resists Alva, 96 ; unites with 
Huguenots, 99 ; made Stadtholder of 
Holland, 113 ; unites the Seven Pro- 
vinces, 147, 148 ; Philip's ban against, 
148 ; assassination of, 159 ; character 
of, 159 ; his spies, 169 

Orleans, siege of, 68 

Oxford, Elizabeth at, 141 



PARIS, and the Huguenots, 115 ; 
Guise triumphant in, 174 ; be- 
sieged by Henry III., 18 ; by Henry 
IV., 188 
Parker, Archbishop, 47, 106, 127, 203 

— Mrs., 127 

Parliament, restores Catholicism, 31 ; 
absolved by Pole, 37 ; restores Pro- 
testantism, 47 ; acts of in 1571, 106 ; 
Elizabeth's attitude to, 227-8 

— of Paris, 190 

Parma, Margaret, Duchess of, in Nether- 
lands, 89. 93, 96 

Parma, Prince of, see Farnese, Alexander 

Parsons, the Jesuit, 136, 157 

Passau, Convention of, 11 

Paul IV., 39, 40, 41, 44, 48 

Peasants, rising of, 20 

Peniche, 183 

Pensioners, Gentlemen, 135 

Perez, Antonio, 146 

Perrenot, Anthony ; see Grenvella, Car- 
dinal 

Perth, 58, 59 

Persecution in England, 127 

Philip II., character of, 35, 85 ; marries 
Mary, 35 ; comes to England, 36 ; 
success in Italy, 41 ; offers marriage 
to Elizabeth, 44 ; makes peace with 



RID 

France, 45 ; changes in government 
made by, 84 ; founds Spanish Empire, 
84 ; his religious policy, 86 ; identified 
with Spain, 87 ; opposition to in 
Netherlands, 89, 93 ; share in Ridolfi's 
plot, 107 ; treatment of Don John, 
145-7 ; ban against the Prince of 
Orange, 148 ; schemes in France, 161 ; 
after the Armada, 179 ; and the French 
succession, 181 ; Protector of France, 
186 ; financial difficulties of, 220, 223 ; 
makes peace with France, 222 ; plans 
in Netherlands, 222 ; death, 223 ; re- 
sults of his reign, 223-4 

Pinkie-cleugh, battle of, 18 

Pius IV., 48 

Pius V., 105, 127 

Poland, Henry of Anjou, made king of, 
121 

Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, 31 ; descent 
of, 32 ; in England, 33 ; made Arch- 
bishop, 41 ; death of, 43 

Politicians, the, 190 

Politics concerned with religion, 4 

Poor-law, the, 200 

Popes 

Julius III., 36 

Paul IV, 39, 40, 41, 44, 48 

Pius IV, 48 

Pius V., 105, 127 

Gregory XIII., xi 7 , 155, 157 

Sixtus V, 172, 188 

Portugal conquered by Philip II., 148 

Portuguese discoveries, 88 

Prayer Book, of Edward VI., 17 

Progresses, royal, 139-42 

* Prophesy ings*,' 129 

Protestants, origin of, r 

Puritans, the, 127 

Puttenham, 206 



RALEIGH, Sir Walter, 156, 185, 198 
203, 209, 222 

Reformation, the, its causes, 1 ; its 
meaning, 2 ; questions raised by, 3 ; 
political effects of, 4-6 ; in Germany, 
4-6 ; in England under Henry VIII., 
15, 16 ; under Somerset, 17 ; under 
Warwick, 24 ; in Ireland, 25 ; re- 
established in England, 48 ; contrast 
of in France and Germany, 51 ; in 
Geneva, 52 ; in France, 53 ; in Scot- 
land, 55-61 

Requesens, Don Louis de, 120, 143 

' Reservation, Ecclesiastical,' the, 13 

Ridley, Bishop, 38 



-p 



236 



Index. 



RID 

Ridolfi's plot, 106 

Rizzio, David, 73 

Robsart, Amy, 136 

Rochelle, 99, 121 

Ross, Bishop of, 107 

Rouen, siege of, 189 

Russia, beginning of trade with, 131 



SACKVILLE, Thomas, Lord Buck- 
hurst, 211 
San Domingo, 167 
San Filifie, 174 
Saxony, John Frederic, Elector of, 9 

— Maurice of, 9-13 
Seymour, Edward, see Somerset 

— Lord, executed, 21 
Shakespeare, 214-8 

Sidney, Sir Philip, 168, 205, 208, 209 

Sixteenth century, chief points in, 4 ; 
condition of Europe in, 5 

Smalkaldic League, 7, 9 

Smerwick, 156 

Somerset, Duke of, Protector, 17 ; 
favours Reformation, 18 ; dealings 
with Scotland, 18 ; unpopularity, 21 ; 
fall of, 22 ; death of, 23 

Sonnet, the, 202 

Southampton, Earl of, 215 

* Spanish Fury,' the, 143 

Spanish monarchy, 84 

Spenser, Edmund, 138, 209-10 

Spinola, 224 

St. Bartholomew's Day, Massacre of, 
115-18 

St. Denis, battle of, 98 

St. Germain, Estates at, 67 ; Peace of, 97 

St. Jean d'Angely, 99 

St. Paul's Cathedral, a fashionable pro- 
menade, 198 

St. Quentin, battle of, 41, 84, 89, 109 

Stewart, Lord James, see Murray, Earl of 

Still, John, 211 

Stow, John, 203 

Stubbs, pamphlet of, 150 

Stukely, Thomas, 155 

Surrey, Earl of, 202 

Sussex, Earl of, 104 



ZUT . 

i 

THEATRE, The, in England, 199. 
Throgmorton's plot, 159 
Tilbury, Elizabeth at, 179 
Toledo, Don Frederic de, 113, 119 
Translations into English, 203 
Trent, Council of, 9-1 1 
Tunis, 144 
Tyrone, Earl of, 223, 225, 228 



UDALL, Nicolas, 211 
Utrecht, Union of, 147 



VALENCIENNES, 94 
Vassy, massacre of, 67 
Venetian glass, 196 
Venice, recognises Henry IV., 190 
Vervins, Treaty of, 222 
Virginia, foundation of, 185 
'Voyage, The Island,' 222 



1T7ALSINGHAM, Sir Francis, 169- 

Warwick, Earl of, see Northumberland, 

Duke of 
Westmoreland, Earl of, 103, 104 
Wilson, Thomas, 204 
Winter, Sir William, 177 
Wishart, George, 56 
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, rises against Mary, 

34 



VAVIER, Francesco, 153 



YORK, Conference at, 102 
Yuste, 41 
Yvry, battle of, 188 



ZEELAND, 118 
Zutphen, siege of, 168 



tf 



F 63 3 



4 



